Speech of Christian S. Monsod, One Voice chairman, at the joint general membership meeting of the Makati Business Club, Federation of Filipino-Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry, and Management Association of the Philippines on 8 March 2007, 12 noon, at the Dusit Nikko Hotel, Makati City)
You asked me to address four questions:
(1) What is the importance of the 2007 elections?
(2) Is there hope for the elections to be credible?
(3) What is the status of the citizen effort?
(4) How can each of us contribute to that effort?
The elections are important because for the first time since our democracy was restored in 1986, we are faced with the problem of damaged or weakened democratic institutions, of processes, i.e. electoral and justice system, or of offices or agencies such as the Senate and the House, the Office of the Ombudsman, the Commission on Elections, or even of the Constitution itself.
Most businessmen appear to be happy with the developments on the economy, but you are clearly concerned about the credibility of the 2007 elections. You are here because your concern goes beyond the successful delivery of credible elections. You care enough to know that we must also address the broader crisis of the people?s trust in the political system, and in democracy itself, as a means to a better life. The repeated attempts to test the constitutional limits of executive powers, the attempt to change the Constitution for political gain, and the politics-as-usual environment of the election campaign, must concern you. All of us know the far-reaching consequences of a growing alienation and disengagement of people from democratic processes, especially the youth and the poor.
If democracy has not changed the social, economic, and political landscape of the country, it should occur to us that maybe the problem is not that democracy is not suitable for developing countries, but that we have not nurtured it or are not practicing it, neither the administration nor the opposition, but more importantly, not by civil society itself.
It is the privilege of age to recall images that make sense of his surroundings. Mine is the image of businessmen and the most ordinary citizens guarding ballot boxes together, with utter disregard for their safety, with no thought of reward or benefit, protecting the ballot as if it was the most sacred blessing of their lives. Whether locking arms together or raising fists defiantly in the air, or singing the impassioned cry of the imprisoned, there was an army that was invincible for the whole world to see.
But the fact is that after we brought our nation to glory in EDSA and accomplished the first peaceful transfer of power in 27 years in 1992, we folded up our banners, we put away the t-shirts with the imaginative slogans that brought humor to the seriousness of the time, and we went back to wearing our business suits and to monitoring the stock prices of our companies or focusing on our narrow sectoral advocacies. And as we went our separate ways with our separate causes, we lost something of the dream of a nation and the significance of our interconnected lives.
Perhaps it is time to go back to our beginnings for the 2007 elections.
Every election is critical for its own reasons. If the 1986 elections, as once noted by a writer, were a test of our courage, and the 1992 and subsequent elections tests of our maturity, then the 2007 elections are surely a test of our vision for democracy.
That vision cannot include the weakening of democratic institutions that would justify what is sometimes euphemistically called a strong republic to fill the void, in which the ubiquitous presence and increasing power of the military and police in government affairs is a troubling trend. The military gambit is not new to our politics, but we thought we had addressed it permanently by the overwhelming aversion of our people to any kind of military dominance in our national life. Surely the business community remembers how the Marcos regime, propped up by the military, set back our economy by 10 years, a gap we still have not closed after 20 years.
If we are agreed that a functioning democracy is a part of our future and that credible election is its fundamental building block, the obvious question is?is there hope that the 2007 elections will be credible?
My answer is YES, if we all play our part in its making.
It seems simple enough, delivering free and fair elections. There are only three principles to observe:
(1) one-man, one-vote;
(2) allow people to freely exercise their right to vote; and
(3) count correctly what?s in the ballot.
We had thought that, by this time, we would be closer to the norm of democratic elections. But somewhere along the way, this was derailed. Automation is nine years behind the original schedule and full automation will not happen until 2013 at the earliest. The latest automation law is seriously flawed and was enacted too late to even enable pilot testing in 2007.
What of the Comelec? It is disappointing that the President has chosen not to fill the last vacancy. But we should at least be grateful that she did not fill it with somebody like Mr. Garcillano. And that the three latest appointees are persons of competence with a record of integrity who are well aware of the need to restore the credibility of the Commission and are unlikely to allow themselves to be part of any cheating. So far, the Comelec has generally been even-handed in the enforcement of the rules, but continued vigilance is obviously called for. Monitoring the resolutions and moves of the Commission is the specific mission of one of the NGOs, the Consortium for Electoral Reforms.
The pity of it is that, by and large, even when it is not in its best behavior, our democracy works, even in 2004, to the credit of the field officers of the COMELEC, if we judge the process and the results by the totality of some 17,000 positions at stake in the elections. Of course, the question of cheating in the presidential elections casts a long shadow on the entire elections. That the President really won, I believe, the elections, albeit by a much smaller margin, is not enough to mute the clamor and the campaign to finally settle the issue of legitimacy by treating the coming mid-term elections as an indirect referendum. There are those among you who would say we are past that and must move on. Maybe so, but the high distrust level of the government cannot be ignored with perceptions that, to stay in power, the government is disposed to misuse government resources (pork barrel allocations, the passing of campaign vouchers to government-owned and -controlled corporations, ?intelligence? funds), or commit wholesale fraud in canvassing , or use the military and police for partisan politics. Hence, the criticality of citizens' groups protecting the ballot and validating the process and the results of the elections.
There is one important assumption in mobilizing this effort, that the church-based groups will do within the church community what they ask of the nation?unite for a more lofty purpose. That NASSA of the CBCP, which comprise the core of volunteers especially in the provinces, PPCRV, and Namfrel will adopt a unified approach with the least overlap and at the least cost to address the two biggest constraints to this kind of effort?(1) enough volunteers to do the job and (2) resource mobilization. The numbers are formidable. Forty-four million voters, over 250,000 precincts, and 1,600 canvassing points, which imply mobilizing over 500,000 volunteers, including some 3,500 lawyers to monitor the canvassing, and raising total resources of up to P50
million in cash and in kind, partly by local chapters.
As of today, the only missing ingredient is the accreditation of the citizen arm for the unofficial count. Both NASSA, with an interfaith coalition, and Namfrel, which counts with over 150 multisectoral organizations, have applied for accreditation, with the final decision ironically being entrusted to the Comelec.
The good news is that, regardless of the competition for accreditation, all the groups have agreed to take substantive steps towards a unified effort by the following:
(1) NASSA and Namfrel have agreed to form a joint technical group to develop the systems that will be used by whoever gets the accreditation, which, incidentally, could be joint. This committee is already operational and has already agreed on the basic program. The objective is accuracy more than speed, where the quick count for the first two days covering some 10% of the votes will be done by the media groups and the citizen arm count will build up from the third
day. While the target is 100% coverage, it should be noted that the highest coverage in the past in 2004 has been 83% based on precinct election returns and 97% in 1992 using certificates of canvass. Since wholesale fraud in canvassing is a serious problem now, the citizen arm count will be based solely on precinct election returns. And there will be no texting. It's the basic count from the precinct.
(2) There is already agreement on assignment of tasks, with PPCRV undertaking voter education and pollwatching. Although it is included in its manual, PPCRV has agreed not to do a count. The grassroots mobilization is to be done principally by the social action and basic ecclesial communities of NASSA. The NASSA national conference of social action directors has already taken place last weekend and the PPCRV national conference begins tomorrow. In short, mobilization has started. The focal point of organizing and counting centers will be the 85 dioceses all over the country, in coordination with other religious, evangelical, and Muslim groups in each area.
(3) A national coalition of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines, law schools, NGO legal groups, association of law students, and so on has already been formed, with the Ateneo Human Rights Center as secretariat. The objective is to cover all 1,600 canvassing points, which neither government nor the opposition has been able to do all these years, with about 3,500 lawyers and paralegal volunteers. They will also provide legal services throughout the election period. This
is a very difficult task because lawyers are in great demand during elections, probably the only time they are in demand, with huge fees. So we would appreciate if you can volunteer your legal departments to help out in this project.
(4) A master activity blueprint or menu of options for citizen involvement has been developed by the Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and the Pugadlawin group of Ateneo de Manila University, which we will circulate shortly after my talk for you to see. And we are also circulating all the contact persons for each of these activities for your choice. I have asked Prof. Benjie Tolosa to join us this afternoon to answer any questions;
(5) The church groups have agreed to undertake a mobilization campaign based on a generic communications program being developed by Campaigns and Grey, Yoly Ong and her group, pro bono, that will have a unifying theme for the various campaigns of the group. All of us will be meeting on Tuesday, March 13, to review the program.
(6) Special projects have been launched, among them a Comelec Watch, as I mentioned, by the Consortium on Electoral Reforms, the Pera?t Pulitika project of the Consortium, Libertas, Transparency and Accountability Network, and the Political Science Association to pilot-test campaign finance monitoring. We also have a nationwide candidates' fora and local covenant signing by the Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and PPCRV.
(7) Finally, as you already know, the Makati Business Club has agreed to help in raising contributions towards a democracy fund that will be available to all groups as soon as the unified effort is formalized.
(8) The initiative for many of these projects, I?d like to add, is being done by convenors of One Voice, Benjie Tolosa, Atty. Medina of Ateneo, Mon Casiple of CER, Atty. Guia of Libertas, Vince Lazatin of Transparency and Accountability Network, and Bro. Javy S.J. of
Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and others.
I mention these initiatives to assure you that cooperation is happening and that many people are already at work in this huge national effort. But they urgently need volunteers and funding for each of the activities, the most important of which are pollwatching, the parallel count, and the canvassing watch. Free and fair elections after all is the cumulative effect of many safeguards, and it is the efficient and effective handling of the minutest details that can make or unmake elections.
It is said that the mind is the athlete, the body is merely the means for us to jump higher, run faster, or lengthen our reach beyond our grasp. After each of us has thought deeply about the stake in this coming elections, after we have thought together on how to address them, let us, dare our courage to follow our thoughts. We don't have much time. The day of reckoning is barely two months away.
If democracy, according to Vaclav Havel, is the unfinished story of human aspirations, let us continue the journey in the coming elections by helping restore the trustworthiness of the election process, and on the strength of that foundation, move on to other institutions. Each of us must put down his piece in this giant jigsaw puzzle called nation-building, for only then can we say that we are truly deserving of this blessed nation.Speech of Christian S. Monsod, One Voice chairman, at the joint general membership meeting of the Makati Business Club, Federation of Filipino-Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry, and Management Association of the Philippines on 8 March 2007, 12 noon, at the Dusit Nikko Hotel, Makati City)
You asked me to address four questions:
(1) What is the importance of the 2007 elections?
(2) Is there hope for the elections to be credible?
(3) What is the status of the citizen effort?
(4) How can each of us contribute to that effort?
The elections are important because for the first time since our democracy was restored in 1986, we are faced with the problem of damaged or weakened democratic institutions, of processes, i.e. electoral and justice system, or of offices or agencies such as the Senate and the House, the Office of the Ombudsman, the Commission on Elections, or even of the Constitution itself.
Most businessmen appear to be happy with the developments on the economy, but you are clearly concerned about the credibility of the 2007 elections. You are here because your concern goes beyond the successful delivery of credible elections. You care enough to know that we must also address the broader crisis of the people?s trust in the political system, and in democracy itself, as a means to a better life. The repeated attempts to test the constitutional limits of executive powers, the attempt to change the Constitution for political gain, and the politics-as-usual environment of the election campaign, must concern you. All of us know the far-reaching consequences of a growing alienation and disengagement of people from democratic processes, especially the youth and the poor.
If democracy has not changed the social, economic, and political landscape of the country, it should occur to us that maybe the problem is not that democracy is not suitable for developing countries, but that we have not nurtured it or are not practicing it, neither the administration nor the opposition, but more importantly, not by civil society itself.
It is the privilege of age to recall images that make sense of his surroundings. Mine is the image of businessmen and the most ordinary citizens guarding ballot boxes together, with utter disregard for their safety, with no thought of reward or benefit, protecting the ballot as if it was the most sacred blessing of their lives. Whether locking arms together or raising fists defiantly in the air, or singing the impassioned cry of the imprisoned, there was an army that was invincible for the whole world to see.
But the fact is that after we brought our nation to glory in EDSA and accomplished the first peaceful transfer of power in 27 years in 1992, we folded up our banners, we put away the t-shirts with the imaginative slogans that brought humor to the seriousness of the time, and we went back to wearing our business suits and to monitoring the stock prices of our companies or focusing on our narrow sectoral advocacies. And as we went our separate ways with our separate causes, we lost something of the dream of a nation and the significance of our interconnected lives.
Perhaps it is time to go back to our beginnings for the 2007 elections.
Every election is critical for its own reasons. If the 1986 elections, as once noted by a writer, were a test of our courage, and the 1992 and subsequent elections tests of our maturity, then the 2007 elections are surely a test of our vision for democracy.
That vision cannot include the weakening of democratic institutions that would justify what is sometimes euphemistically called a strong republic to fill the void, in which the ubiquitous presence and increasing power of the military and police in government affairs is a troubling trend. The military gambit is not new to our politics, but we thought we had addressed it permanently by the overwhelming aversion of our people to any kind of military dominance in our national life. Surely the business community remembers how the Marcos regime, propped up by the military, set back our economy by 10 years, a gap we still have not closed after 20 years.
If we are agreed that a functioning democracy is a part of our future and that credible election is its fundamental building block, the obvious question is?is there hope that the 2007 elections will be credible?
My answer is YES, if we all play our part in its making.
It seems simple enough, delivering free and fair elections. There are only three principles to observe:
(1) one-man, one-vote;
(2) allow people to freely exercise their right to vote; and
(3) count correctly what?s in the ballot.
We had thought that, by this time, we would be closer to the norm of democratic elections. But somewhere along the way, this was derailed. Automation is nine years behind the original schedule and full automation will not happen until 2013 at the earliest. The latest automation law is seriously flawed and was enacted too late to even enable pilot testing in 2007.
What of the Comelec? It is disappointing that the President has chosen not to fill the last vacancy. But we should at least be grateful that she did not fill it with somebody like Mr. Garcillano. And that the three latest appointees are persons of competence with a record of integrity who are well aware of the need to restore the credibility of the Commission and are unlikely to allow themselves to be part of any cheating. So far, the Comelec has generally been even-handed in the enforcement of the rules, but continued vigilance is obviously called for. Monitoring the resolutions and moves of the Commission is the specific mission of one of the NGOs, the Consortium for Electoral Reforms.
The pity of it is that, by and large, even when it is not in its best behavior, our democracy works, even in 2004, to the credit of the field officers of the COMELEC, if we judge the process and the results by the totality of some 17,000 positions at stake in the elections. Of course, the question of cheating in the presidential elections casts a long shadow on the entire elections. That the President really won, I believe, the elections, albeit by a much smaller margin, is not enough to mute the clamor and the campaign to finally settle the issue of legitimacy by treating the coming mid-term elections as an indirect referendum. There are those among you who would say we are past that and must move on. Maybe so, but the high distrust level of the government cannot be ignored with perceptions that, to stay in power, the government is disposed to misuse government resources (pork barrel allocations, the passing of campaign vouchers to government-owned and -controlled corporations, ?intelligence? funds), or commit wholesale fraud in canvassing , or use the military and police for partisan politics. Hence, the criticality of citizens' groups protecting the ballot and validating the process and the results of the elections.
There is one important assumption in mobilizing this effort, that the church-based groups will do within the church community what they ask of the nation?unite for a more lofty purpose. That NASSA of the CBCP, which comprise the core of volunteers especially in the provinces, PPCRV, and Namfrel will adopt a unified approach with the least overlap and at the least cost to address the two biggest constraints to this kind of effort?(1) enough volunteers to do the job and (2) resource mobilization. The numbers are formidable. Forty-four million voters, over 250,000 precincts, and 1,600 canvassing points, which imply mobilizing over 500,000 volunteers, including some 3,500 lawyers to monitor the canvassing, and raising total resources of up to P50
million in cash and in kind, partly by local chapters.
As of today, the only missing ingredient is the accreditation of the citizen arm for the unofficial count. Both NASSA, with an interfaith coalition, and Namfrel, which counts with over 150 multisectoral organizations, have applied for accreditation, with the final decision ironically being entrusted to the Comelec.
The good news is that, regardless of the competition for accreditation, all the groups have agreed to take substantive steps towards a unified effort by the following:
(1) NASSA and Namfrel have agreed to form a joint technical group to develop the systems that will be used by whoever gets the accreditation, which, incidentally, could be joint. This committee is already operational and has already agreed on the basic program. The objective is accuracy more than speed, where the quick count for the first two days covering some 10% of the votes will be done by the media groups and the citizen arm count will build up from the third
day. While the target is 100% coverage, it should be noted that the highest coverage in the past in 2004 has been 83% based on precinct election returns and 97% in 1992 using certificates of canvass. Since wholesale fraud in canvassing is a serious problem now, the citizen arm count will be based solely on precinct election returns. And there will be no texting. It's the basic count from the precinct.
(2) There is already agreement on assignment of tasks, with PPCRV undertaking voter education and pollwatching. Although it is included in its manual, PPCRV has agreed not to do a count. The grassroots mobilization is to be done principally by the social action and basic ecclesial communities of NASSA. The NASSA national conference of social action directors has already taken place last weekend and the PPCRV national conference begins tomorrow. In short, mobilization has started. The focal point of organizing and counting centers will be the 85 dioceses all over the country, in coordination with other religious, evangelical, and Muslim groups in each area.
(3) A national coalition of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines, law schools, NGO legal groups, association of law students, and so on has already been formed, with the Ateneo Human Rights Center as secretariat. The objective is to cover all 1,600 canvassing points, which neither government nor the opposition has been able to do all these years, with about 3,500 lawyers and paralegal volunteers. They will also provide legal services throughout the election period. This
is a very difficult task because lawyers are in great demand during elections, probably the only time they are in demand, with huge fees. So we would appreciate if you can volunteer your legal departments to help out in this project.
(4) A master activity blueprint or menu of options for citizen involvement has been developed by the Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and the Pugadlawin group of Ateneo de Manila University, which we will circulate shortly after my talk for you to see. And we are also circulating all the contact persons for each of these activities for your choice. I have asked Prof. Benjie Tolosa to join us this afternoon to answer any questions;
(5) The church groups have agreed to undertake a mobilization campaign based on a generic communications program being developed by Campaigns and Grey, Yoly Ong and her group, pro bono, that will have a unifying theme for the various campaigns of the group. All of us will be meeting on Tuesday, March 13, to review the program.
(6) Special projects have been launched, among them a Comelec Watch, as I mentioned, by the Consortium on Electoral Reforms, the Pera?t Pulitika project of the Consortium, Libertas, Transparency and Accountability Network, and the Political Science Association to pilot-test campaign finance monitoring. We also have a nationwide candidates' fora and local covenant signing by the Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and PPCRV.
(7) Finally, as you already know, the Makati Business Club has agreed to help in raising contributions towards a democracy fund that will be available to all groups as soon as the unified effort is formalized.
(8) The initiative for many of these projects, I?d like to add, is being done by convenors of One Voice, Benjie Tolosa, Atty. Medina of Ateneo, Mon Casiple of CER, Atty. Guia of Libertas, Vince Lazatin of Transparency and Accountability Network, and Bro. Javy S.J. of
Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and others.
I mention these initiatives to assure you that cooperation is happening and that many people are already at work in this huge national effort. But they urgently need volunteers and funding for each of the activities, the most important of which are pollwatching, the parallel count, and the canvassing watch. Free and fair elections after all is the cumulative effect of many safeguards, and it is the efficient and effective handling of the minutest details that can make or unmake elections.
It is said that the mind is the athlete, the body is merely the means for us to jump higher, run faster, or lengthen our reach beyond our grasp. After each of us has thought deeply about the stake in this coming elections, after we have thought together on how to address them, let us, dare our courage to follow our thoughts. We don't have much time. The day of reckoning is barely two months away.
If democracy, according to Vaclav Havel, is the unfinished story of human aspirations, let us continue the journey in the coming elections by helping restore the trustworthiness of the election process, and on the strength of that foundation, move on to other institutions. Each of us must put down his piece in this giant jigsaw puzzle called nation-building, for only then can we say that we are truly deserving of this blessed nation.
Tuesday, March 20, 2007
Tuesday, March 13, 2007
For your film viewing
For your film viewing consideration, below is a synopsis of a digital film directed by our alumnus, Benjamin "Benji" C. Garcia II (ADDU GS'71, ADDU HS'75, AdMU-AB ComArts'79). The film is "Batad: Sa Paang Palay" which will be shown at the SM Digital Theaters (including SM Davao) from March 14-20, 2007. In addition to winning the Best Screenplay and Best Actor awards, the film won Best Production Design and the Special Jury Prize in the Full Length Feature category in the 2006 Cinemalaya Independent Film Festival and Competition.
In a filmaker profile at http://www.culturalcenter.gov.ph/cinemalaya/synopsis/Batad.pdf
BENJI GARCIA is a freelance producer of TV commercials. For the past 10 years, he has produced and directed numerous radio and TV commercials and many corporate films and documentaries. He has acted, written, produced and directed for theater and television. He has also done production design for films. He was art director for the TV historical drama Alab ng Lahi, the La Aunor TV series and for Ishmael Bernal's acclaimed film Himala. He was production designer for Mel Chionglo's Teenage Marriage, Edgardo Reyes' Bulaklak ng Apoy and J. Erastheo Navoa's Manoy, Di Ka Na Makaka-isa. He is a graduate of Ateneo de Manila University where he earned an AB Communication Arts Degree, with honorable mention. He took courses at the London International Film School.
I hope many of our alumni and friends will watch this film at the SM theaters during its theater run. Mr. Garcia believes the film has a lot to tell Ateneans, and Filipinos for that matter, about the struggle between tradition and Western modernization.
In a filmaker profile at http://www.culturalcenter.gov.ph/cinemalaya/synopsis/Batad.pdf
BENJI GARCIA is a freelance producer of TV commercials. For the past 10 years, he has produced and directed numerous radio and TV commercials and many corporate films and documentaries. He has acted, written, produced and directed for theater and television. He has also done production design for films. He was art director for the TV historical drama Alab ng Lahi, the La Aunor TV series and for Ishmael Bernal's acclaimed film Himala. He was production designer for Mel Chionglo's Teenage Marriage, Edgardo Reyes' Bulaklak ng Apoy and J. Erastheo Navoa's Manoy, Di Ka Na Makaka-isa. He is a graduate of Ateneo de Manila University where he earned an AB Communication Arts Degree, with honorable mention. He took courses at the London International Film School.
I hope many of our alumni and friends will watch this film at the SM theaters during its theater run. Mr. Garcia believes the film has a lot to tell Ateneans, and Filipinos for that matter, about the struggle between tradition and Western modernization.
Monday, March 05, 2007
Antonella Barba
American Idon star, and new FB&C favorite Antonella Barba is back in the news about some raunchy awesome photos; only this time the story is that the photographs are fake. Well they’re not fake per se, it’s just that they may not be of Antonella Barba. See for yourself:
[Antonella’s] best friend, Amanda Coluccio, tells PEOPLE that the “pornographic” photos on the Internet “are not Antonella.” And Coluccio has looked. “It’s not the same nose, it’s not the same face,” she says of the girl in the pictures.
Saturday, March 03, 2007
Chuang Tzu 72
Tinanong ni Maestro Tung-kuo si Chuang Tzu: Itong kuwan na Tao - saan ba nagmemeron?
Tugon ni Chuang Tzu: Walang lugar na hindi nagmemeron.
Maestro Tung-kuo: Ikaw naman, kailangan mong tukuyin
Nasa langgam.
Sa ganoong maliit na bagay?
Nasa damo.
Mas lalong di-mahalaga!
Nasa sahig at mga basag na bagay.
Paanong ganoon kababa at di-mahalaga ito?
Nasa ihi at iput.
Tugon ni Chuang Tzu: Walang lugar na hindi nagmemeron.
Maestro Tung-kuo: Ikaw naman, kailangan mong tukuyin
Nasa langgam.
Sa ganoong maliit na bagay?
Nasa damo.
Mas lalong di-mahalaga!
Nasa sahig at mga basag na bagay.
Paanong ganoon kababa at di-mahalaga ito?
Nasa ihi at iput.
On Art
The art of losing isn't hard to master;
so many things seem filled with the intent
to be lost that their loss is no disaster.
Lose something every day. Accept the fluster
of lost door keys, the hour badly spent.
The art of losing isn't hard to master.
Then practice losing farther, losing faster:
places, and names, and where it was you meant
to travel. None of these will bring disaster.
I lost my mother's watch. And look! my last, or
next-to-last, of three loved houses went.
The art of losing isn't hard to master.
I lost two cities, lovely ones. And, vaster,
some realms I owned, two rivers, a continent.
I miss them, but it wasn't a disaster.
---Even losing you (the joking voice, a gesture
I love) I shan't have lied. It's evident
the art of losing's not too hard to master
though it may look like (Write it!) like disaster.
-- Elizabeth Bishop
Thursday, June 01, 2006
Pinoy Truisms
Ang buhay ay parang bato, it's hard.
Better late than pregnant.
Behind the clouds are the other clouds.
It's better to cheat than to repeat!
Do unto others... then run!!!
Kapag puno na ang salop, kumuha na ng ibang salop.
Magbiro ka na sa lasing, magbiro ka na sa bagong
gising, 'wag lang sa lasing na bagong gising.
When all else fails, follow instructions.
Ang hindi marunong magmahal sa sariling wika, lumaki
sa ibang bansa.
To err is human, to errs is humans.
Ang taong nagigipit...sa bumbay kumakapit
Pag may usok...may nag-iihaw
Ang taong naglalakad nang matulin... may utang.
No guts, no glory... no ID, no entry.
Birds of the same feather that prays together... stays together.
Kapag may sinuksok at walang madukot, may nandukot.
Walang matigas na tinapay sa gutom na tao.
Ang taong di marunong lumingon sa kanyang
pinanggalingan ....ay may stiff neck.
Birds of the same feather make a good feather duster.
Kapag may tiyaga, may nilaga. Kapag may taga, may tahi.
Huli man daw at magaling, undertime pa rin.
Ang naglalakad ng matulin, late na sa appointment
Matalino man ang matsing, matsing pa rin.
Better late than later....
Aanhin ang palasyo kung ang nakatira ay kuwago, mabuti pa ang bahay kubo, sa paligid puno ng linga.
Kapag maikli ang kumot, tumangkad ka na!
No man is an island because time is gold.
Hindi lahat ng kumikinang ay ginto.. muta lang yan.
Kapag ang puno mabunga...mataba ang lupa!
When it rains...it floods.
Pagkahaba haba man ng prusisyon .. mauubusan din ng kandila.
Ang buhay ay parang gulong, minsan nasa ibabaw, minsan nasa vulcanizing shop.
Batu-bato sa langit, ang tamaan... sapul.
Try and try until you succeed... or else try another.
Ako ang nagsaing... iba ang kumain. Diet ako eh.
Huwag magbilang ng manok kung alaga mo ay itik.
Kapag maiksi na ang kumot, bumili ka na ng bago.
If you can't beat them, shoot them. (Nalundasan)
An apple a day is too expensive.
An apple a day makes seven apples a week. (really expensive)
Better late than pregnant.
Behind the clouds are the other clouds.
It's better to cheat than to repeat!
Do unto others... then run!!!
Kapag puno na ang salop, kumuha na ng ibang salop.
Magbiro ka na sa lasing, magbiro ka na sa bagong
gising, 'wag lang sa lasing na bagong gising.
When all else fails, follow instructions.
Ang hindi marunong magmahal sa sariling wika, lumaki
sa ibang bansa.
To err is human, to errs is humans.
Ang taong nagigipit...sa bumbay kumakapit
Pag may usok...may nag-iihaw
Ang taong naglalakad nang matulin... may utang.
No guts, no glory... no ID, no entry.
Birds of the same feather that prays together... stays together.
Kapag may sinuksok at walang madukot, may nandukot.
Walang matigas na tinapay sa gutom na tao.
Ang taong di marunong lumingon sa kanyang
pinanggalingan ....ay may stiff neck.
Birds of the same feather make a good feather duster.
Kapag may tiyaga, may nilaga. Kapag may taga, may tahi.
Huli man daw at magaling, undertime pa rin.
Ang naglalakad ng matulin, late na sa appointment
Matalino man ang matsing, matsing pa rin.
Better late than later....
Aanhin ang palasyo kung ang nakatira ay kuwago, mabuti pa ang bahay kubo, sa paligid puno ng linga.
Kapag maikli ang kumot, tumangkad ka na!
No man is an island because time is gold.
Hindi lahat ng kumikinang ay ginto.. muta lang yan.
Kapag ang puno mabunga...mataba ang lupa!
When it rains...it floods.
Pagkahaba haba man ng prusisyon .. mauubusan din ng kandila.
Ang buhay ay parang gulong, minsan nasa ibabaw, minsan nasa vulcanizing shop.
Batu-bato sa langit, ang tamaan... sapul.
Try and try until you succeed... or else try another.
Ako ang nagsaing... iba ang kumain. Diet ako eh.
Huwag magbilang ng manok kung alaga mo ay itik.
Kapag maiksi na ang kumot, bumili ka na ng bago.
If you can't beat them, shoot them. (Nalundasan)
An apple a day is too expensive.
An apple a day makes seven apples a week. (really expensive)
Friday, April 28, 2006
Cha-Cha de Gloria
How exactly will Gloria employ this Cha-cha to perpetuate herself in power? I do not know because the facts and appearance of the charter changes are foggy and ambiguous to anyone. All I know is that Gloria is steering this train and I do not trust she will carry us anywhere I want to be given how she has acted while in power thus far. Let me summarize what is so frightening about Gloria's
charter change scheme.
1. First the method. It is still uncertain whether the charter changes will be made through supposed "people's initiative" or through a House-muscled constituent assembly without the Senate's agreement, specifically the three quarters vote of both chambers needed for charter change to consists almost only of Lower House votes. These two alternatives still seem to be thriving. Both these methods are contentious and not unquestionably well-known as legitimate means for making the kind of changes being recommended. Many even say that these two alternatives are unconstitutional. In any case, any of these two means will eventually be determined by the Supreme Court at some time. However it turns out, it will entail that Gloria is taking really dubious means to force through constitutional changes. One asks: why would we impose upon our people the possibility of deep-seated and long-running political tension about the manner of changing our constitution? Why would she twist the arms of our already weakened democratic institutions using doubtful legal devices to modify our nearly 20-year old constitution? However advantageous such changes might be, its benefit would certainly be diminished by the conflict and hostility that is created by changing it via forcing through legal mechanisms. Ironically, we opposed cha-cha under Ramos who had much better approval ratings than Gloria and we opposed cha-cha under Erap Estrada who certainly was legitimately elected president. And now we are going to have charter change, whether we like it or not under Gloria with the highest dissatisfaction ratings in all our post-EDSA presidents and a president who has not been clearly elected to her office.
2. Second the risky implications if any of these two charter change routes were to proceed (i.e., either people's initiative or House-engineered constituent assembly). If we do get to a period where our people will be thinking a particular changed constitution to ratify, it would have meant several things: (a) the Supreme Court decided that one of these two paths is legal and constitutional, which I would take to mean that the SC had legitimated Gloria's forcing through tactics. (b) the current House of Representatives, with exactly the same overwhelming majority that refused to impeach Gloria despite the facts and the same mostly easily bought members with a small heroic band of resisters, will dictate the re-writing of our constitution. This latter implication comes from the way either the PI or Con-Ass works: Congress becomes the forum for re-writing the Constitution, and it will not be Congress as it is now (with Senate and
House of equal power) but Congress dominated by the Kampi-Lakas congressmen.
3. Third, the even more dire consequences were we to ratify a constitution permitting the shift to some yet undefined form of parliamentary government with Gloria in power and the current Gloria-bought congressmen making the rules and executing them as any parliament would. We shall have given them a blank check to define our form of government, mark out whatever limits, checks and balances they feel like, and alter whatever else they feel like in our existing constitution. It is under this likely situation that a fear of perpetuating Gloria comes. This is really akin to the situation of our country in 1972 when Marcos declared martial law when we still did not have a new constitution (because the constitutional convention in existence then had not yet finished its work). Marcos' second and last 4-year term should have ended in 1973 because he was fraudulently elected in 1969. He engineered to have a new constitution that allowed him to continue by buying and intimidating the ongoing constitutional convention and then had that amended constitution ratified by barangay assemblies. This is the constitution that Marcos used to rule for the rest of his dictatorship. In my view, Gloria is manipulating events to get the same kind of constitution Marcos got in 1973 by changing the present constitution.
In my view, our only real reliable hope to protect our democracy from the evil designs of Gloria is the plebiscite to ratify whatever constitution is made which is an unavoidable requirement for any change in the constitution. Whatever might be the contents of the constitutional change that will be offered for ratification, we should really just have one question in mind: do I want to give Gloria even more power to rule this country longer? If you want to give her the license to exercise even more power which she never truly earned from an election then you ratify her constitutional change; if not then you reject it. I do not believe that the intrinsic merits of proposed constitutional change are even relevant to the consideration because no real debate, education or explanation had ever been offered to our people about the nature of the specific changes proposed and the implications to their concerns about Gloria's legitimacy to continue governing as president. And beside, I have never seen a constitution no matter how great execute itself without the right kind of leaders giving it life. If Gloria cannot live and act by the existing constitution, how can we expect her to be limited or constrained by the power to make her own constitution?
MT Pagbabago
charter change scheme.
1. First the method. It is still uncertain whether the charter changes will be made through supposed "people's initiative" or through a House-muscled constituent assembly without the Senate's agreement, specifically the three quarters vote of both chambers needed for charter change to consists almost only of Lower House votes. These two alternatives still seem to be thriving. Both these methods are contentious and not unquestionably well-known as legitimate means for making the kind of changes being recommended. Many even say that these two alternatives are unconstitutional. In any case, any of these two means will eventually be determined by the Supreme Court at some time. However it turns out, it will entail that Gloria is taking really dubious means to force through constitutional changes. One asks: why would we impose upon our people the possibility of deep-seated and long-running political tension about the manner of changing our constitution? Why would she twist the arms of our already weakened democratic institutions using doubtful legal devices to modify our nearly 20-year old constitution? However advantageous such changes might be, its benefit would certainly be diminished by the conflict and hostility that is created by changing it via forcing through legal mechanisms. Ironically, we opposed cha-cha under Ramos who had much better approval ratings than Gloria and we opposed cha-cha under Erap Estrada who certainly was legitimately elected president. And now we are going to have charter change, whether we like it or not under Gloria with the highest dissatisfaction ratings in all our post-EDSA presidents and a president who has not been clearly elected to her office.
2. Second the risky implications if any of these two charter change routes were to proceed (i.e., either people's initiative or House-engineered constituent assembly). If we do get to a period where our people will be thinking a particular changed constitution to ratify, it would have meant several things: (a) the Supreme Court decided that one of these two paths is legal and constitutional, which I would take to mean that the SC had legitimated Gloria's forcing through tactics. (b) the current House of Representatives, with exactly the same overwhelming majority that refused to impeach Gloria despite the facts and the same mostly easily bought members with a small heroic band of resisters, will dictate the re-writing of our constitution. This latter implication comes from the way either the PI or Con-Ass works: Congress becomes the forum for re-writing the Constitution, and it will not be Congress as it is now (with Senate and
House of equal power) but Congress dominated by the Kampi-Lakas congressmen.
3. Third, the even more dire consequences were we to ratify a constitution permitting the shift to some yet undefined form of parliamentary government with Gloria in power and the current Gloria-bought congressmen making the rules and executing them as any parliament would. We shall have given them a blank check to define our form of government, mark out whatever limits, checks and balances they feel like, and alter whatever else they feel like in our existing constitution. It is under this likely situation that a fear of perpetuating Gloria comes. This is really akin to the situation of our country in 1972 when Marcos declared martial law when we still did not have a new constitution (because the constitutional convention in existence then had not yet finished its work). Marcos' second and last 4-year term should have ended in 1973 because he was fraudulently elected in 1969. He engineered to have a new constitution that allowed him to continue by buying and intimidating the ongoing constitutional convention and then had that amended constitution ratified by barangay assemblies. This is the constitution that Marcos used to rule for the rest of his dictatorship. In my view, Gloria is manipulating events to get the same kind of constitution Marcos got in 1973 by changing the present constitution.
In my view, our only real reliable hope to protect our democracy from the evil designs of Gloria is the plebiscite to ratify whatever constitution is made which is an unavoidable requirement for any change in the constitution. Whatever might be the contents of the constitutional change that will be offered for ratification, we should really just have one question in mind: do I want to give Gloria even more power to rule this country longer? If you want to give her the license to exercise even more power which she never truly earned from an election then you ratify her constitutional change; if not then you reject it. I do not believe that the intrinsic merits of proposed constitutional change are even relevant to the consideration because no real debate, education or explanation had ever been offered to our people about the nature of the specific changes proposed and the implications to their concerns about Gloria's legitimacy to continue governing as president. And beside, I have never seen a constitution no matter how great execute itself without the right kind of leaders giving it life. If Gloria cannot live and act by the existing constitution, how can we expect her to be limited or constrained by the power to make her own constitution?
MT Pagbabago
Monday, March 20, 2006
SLB Newsbriefs
Since I had been getting two daily newsbriefs from the Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan (SLB), I decided to share the same to bloggers who may want a concise national update of what's happening in the country. SLB is based in Ateneo de Manila University with a vast network of organizations scattered across the country.
Please access it at slb-newsbrief.blogspot.com.
Please access it at slb-newsbrief.blogspot.com.
Friday, October 21, 2005
GALENGA TALAGA NIYA GYUD, UY!
How can one distinguish a Davaoeno to a Cebuano? Or to a Cagayanon? Difficult? Easy. Davaoenos are one of the most unique people in the world. We can easily stand out if we are placed in a crowd of Filipinos from other parts of the country. And how, you say? Language.
Davao City, aptly called the melting pot of cultures, is home to many dialects. Tagalog, Cebuano, Ilonggo, Ilocano, Chavacano, Moslem, Bicolano. Name it, we'll speak it. If the Filipino language is a composition of all the dialects and languages in the Philippines, you might as well say that the language we speak in Davao City is the real Filipino language, and not Tagalog.
However, since it is a hodgepodge of different tongues, it is sometimes funny to hear our language "bastardizing", for lack of better word, the other dialects. Strangely, that distinguishes us from the rest. Try these.
In stating a fact, Manilenos say, "Talagang mabait si Weng." In Davao, we say. "Mabait bitaw gyud si Weng". Too assertive? One asks, "Ano nga `yong pangalan mo?". In Davao we say, "Ano gani `yong pangalan (or worst, ngalan) mo?". When somebody commits a mistake or surprises someone, we always never fail to say, "Halaka!". Duh.
We are fond of re-constructing the language. There's the GI+ verb, such as,"Gisabi kasi ni Helen na mag-absent si Bernerd bukas", or "Ginanon ni Lalai si Belinda sa mukha". You'll never find "ginanon" in any dictionary, I swear to God. There's the KA+ adjective, as in, "Kaputi gyud ng mukha ni Yang-yang" or "Kapayat gyud ni Jason ngayon." The MAKA + verb form, such as, "Maka-inis talaga si Albert, uy!" or "Maka-uwi talaga ako ng matagal ngayon". The NAG+ verb, as in,"Nagsabi kasi si Tita Prescy na pupunta daw tayo ng airport" or "Hindi pa man siya nagdating, uy!"
Adding new words or new meanings to old words to the dictionary is one of our favorite past time.
NAKIN: "Alam man nakin `yan ba!", "Saan nakin kita nakita gani?".
KU-AN: "Ku- an daw ang gawin mo", "Si ku-an kasi ano masyado". (No sense at all.)
ANO: "Na-ano ka diyan, Bryan!", "Ano man yan si Van, uy!".
HA: "Lake-ha na ng tiyan ni Lulu uy!", "Gwapa-ha niya uy!"
BEH: "Sige daw beh, dare!", "Pakipasa daw ng ballpen ni Tzaris beh".
KAY: "Huwag na, Wowie, kay nandito naman si Norma", "Umupo ka muna kay
nasa-CR pa si Elma."
To express disgust over someone, we utter, "Gago kaba diay para maniwala sa kanya", or "Ano man yan siya uy!", or "Maka-inis man yan siya, uy!", or when pestered when doing something, you'd quip,"Huwag lagi ba!" On the other hand, when we praise somebody's extra special deed or talent, our Davaoeno tongue slips words like,"Kuyaw lagi `yan siya!", "Galenga niya uy!", "Ayusa niya uy!", "Kuyawa ni Orly uy!" or "Hindi ako makatu-o sa ginawa niya!" . Hay, makatawa talaga. Ooops!
There are just so too many words to mention. Just check out the words you spew everyday. Sometimes you just laugh at yourself when you realize that you've just said those very words. No matter how long you stay in Manila or in the States, the moment you're back to Davao, your tongue feels as at home as you do. Language is the very soul of every being. You just can't do anything about it. Or as how we say it,"Anohin man natin yan?"
Davao City, aptly called the melting pot of cultures, is home to many dialects. Tagalog, Cebuano, Ilonggo, Ilocano, Chavacano, Moslem, Bicolano. Name it, we'll speak it. If the Filipino language is a composition of all the dialects and languages in the Philippines, you might as well say that the language we speak in Davao City is the real Filipino language, and not Tagalog.
However, since it is a hodgepodge of different tongues, it is sometimes funny to hear our language "bastardizing", for lack of better word, the other dialects. Strangely, that distinguishes us from the rest. Try these.
In stating a fact, Manilenos say, "Talagang mabait si Weng." In Davao, we say. "Mabait bitaw gyud si Weng". Too assertive? One asks, "Ano nga `yong pangalan mo?". In Davao we say, "Ano gani `yong pangalan (or worst, ngalan) mo?". When somebody commits a mistake or surprises someone, we always never fail to say, "Halaka!". Duh.
We are fond of re-constructing the language. There's the GI+ verb, such as,"Gisabi kasi ni Helen na mag-absent si Bernerd bukas", or "Ginanon ni Lalai si Belinda sa mukha". You'll never find "ginanon" in any dictionary, I swear to God. There's the KA+ adjective, as in, "Kaputi gyud ng mukha ni Yang-yang" or "Kapayat gyud ni Jason ngayon." The MAKA + verb form, such as, "Maka-inis talaga si Albert, uy!" or "Maka-uwi talaga ako ng matagal ngayon". The NAG+ verb, as in,"Nagsabi kasi si Tita Prescy na pupunta daw tayo ng airport" or "Hindi pa man siya nagdating, uy!"
Adding new words or new meanings to old words to the dictionary is one of our favorite past time.
NAKIN: "Alam man nakin `yan ba!", "Saan nakin kita nakita gani?".
KU-AN: "Ku- an daw ang gawin mo", "Si ku-an kasi ano masyado". (No sense at all.)
ANO: "Na-ano ka diyan, Bryan!", "Ano man yan si Van, uy!".
HA: "Lake-ha na ng tiyan ni Lulu uy!", "Gwapa-ha niya uy!"
BEH: "Sige daw beh, dare!", "Pakipasa daw ng ballpen ni Tzaris beh".
KAY: "Huwag na, Wowie, kay nandito naman si Norma", "Umupo ka muna kay
nasa-CR pa si Elma."
To express disgust over someone, we utter, "Gago kaba diay para maniwala sa kanya", or "Ano man yan siya uy!", or "Maka-inis man yan siya, uy!", or when pestered when doing something, you'd quip,"Huwag lagi ba!" On the other hand, when we praise somebody's extra special deed or talent, our Davaoeno tongue slips words like,"Kuyaw lagi `yan siya!", "Galenga niya uy!", "Ayusa niya uy!", "Kuyawa ni Orly uy!" or "Hindi ako makatu-o sa ginawa niya!" . Hay, makatawa talaga. Ooops!
There are just so too many words to mention. Just check out the words you spew everyday. Sometimes you just laugh at yourself when you realize that you've just said those very words. No matter how long you stay in Manila or in the States, the moment you're back to Davao, your tongue feels as at home as you do. Language is the very soul of every being. You just can't do anything about it. Or as how we say it,"Anohin man natin yan?"
Monday, September 19, 2005
Sounding Board : The Charter change foreign lobby
First posted 11:51pm (Mla time) Sept 18, 2005
By Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J.
Inquirer News Service
Editor's Note: Published on page A15 of the September 19, 2005 issue
of the Philippine Daily Inquirer.
THE MORE NORBERTO GONZALES TRIES TO explain his lobbying contract with
an American law firm, the more ridiculous he looks. "Ridiculous,"
however, is not enough to characterize what has been done.
"Treasonous" might come closer.
The first task which the contract gives to the American lobbying group
is to "(s)ecure grants or congressional earmarks for support of the
Charter change initiative of the President of the Philippines, which
would reshape the form of government in the Philippines from its
current structure into a parliamentary federal system." Gonzales tried
to cover this up by suggesting that what was more important in the
contract was the task of seeking a "capability enhancement program for
the Armed Forces of the Philippines." The paragraph on capability
enhancement, however, comes almost as an afterthought; or more
correctly, as a camouflage.
What is being sought is the opposite of the patriotic efforts of
Filipino leaders' lobbying in the United States Congress, in the early
'30s, for a more honorable Independence Law. Malacañang owes it to the
Filipino people to disclose the full story behind this act to subvert
the independence of local efforts to revise the fundamental law. The
Constitution guarantees the "right of the people to information on
matters of public concern." Foreign involvement in the revision of our
Constitution is a matter of paramount public concern. It cannot be
said that the subject is one of those matters to which public access
to information may be limited. The subject does not involve "state
secrets regarding military, diplomatic and other national security,"
even if it involves principally the political aspirations of certain
public figures.
Significantly, there is this constitutional rule about financial
contributions from foreign governments: "Financial contributions from
foreign governments and their agencies to political parties,
organizations, coalitions, or candidates related to elections
constitute interference in national affairs, and, when accepted, shall
be an additional ground for the cancellation of their registration
with the Commission, in addition to other penalties that may be
prescribed by law." The proscription of financial contribution to
political parties from foreign governments is designed to insulate the
electoral process from foreign interference. Accepting such
contribution comes close to being treasonous.
The evil becomes magnified when the intended object of interference is
the re-crafting of the fundamental law. If acceptance of contribution
for such object is not explicitly prohibited by the Constitution, it
is not because the Constitution does not see it as an evil but rather
because the evil is so obvious that no thinking person can miss it. In
fact, this is so obvious to many current high-ranking officials that
they have quickly joined in the chorus singing that they know or knew
nothing about it.
As if the sin could be covered by making it private, Gonzales has gone
on to say that public money will not be spent but that money will come
or has come from private individuals. Does a government acquit itself
from a criminal liability simply by enticing goons to do a crime?
I am not saying that the alleged private contributors are goons. They
may be perfectly honorable, if misguided, individuals. But we should
be told, under the right to information on matters of public concern,
who these private individuals are. Are they Filipinos or are they
foreigners? What are their own private interests? This is a matter
that is crying for a public confession and not just a simple
acknowledgment of a lapse in judgment.
If there is anything that we should learn from this caper, it is that
this administration cannot be trusted with orchestrating the revision
of our Constitution. For reasons of its own, whether honorable or not,
it is dead set on forcing a switch to a parliamentary and federal form
of government. The constitutional revision enterprise is a solemnly
sovereign one. It should be insulated from influences that can imprint
on the fundamental law directions that do or can undermine national
interest. We know from our experience in the electoral process that
money can be dangled to deaden consciences. Foreign money should not
be allowed, much less should it be sought, to influence popular
choice.
Betrayal of public trust was the leading accusation against Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo in the impeachment proceeding against her. That
accusation has not been cleared. It has merely been swept under the
rug by a subservient House of Representatives. Now comes this appeal
for financial assistance from a foreign government to subvert the
solemn sovereign task of revising our Constitution. If she had nothing
to do with it, she should disown it promptly. If she is its occult
author, she should rue it publicly.
Several years ago, when the renewal of the Philippine-US Bases
Agreement was the issue, senators stood tall to oppose the President's
desire. The nation cheered. Revising the Constitution can be more
significant and more far-reaching in its effect than the fate of the
US Military Bases in the Philippines. Forces within the current
administration, in their desire to have their way in the amendatory
process, are bent on drowning the Senate in an avalanche of House of
Representatives votes. This is a moment when once again senators
should stand tall
First posted 11:51pm (Mla time) Sept 18, 2005
By Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J.
Inquirer News Service
Editor's Note: Published on page A15 of the September 19, 2005 issue
of the Philippine Daily Inquirer.
THE MORE NORBERTO GONZALES TRIES TO explain his lobbying contract with
an American law firm, the more ridiculous he looks. "Ridiculous,"
however, is not enough to characterize what has been done.
"Treasonous" might come closer.
The first task which the contract gives to the American lobbying group
is to "(s)ecure grants or congressional earmarks for support of the
Charter change initiative of the President of the Philippines, which
would reshape the form of government in the Philippines from its
current structure into a parliamentary federal system." Gonzales tried
to cover this up by suggesting that what was more important in the
contract was the task of seeking a "capability enhancement program for
the Armed Forces of the Philippines." The paragraph on capability
enhancement, however, comes almost as an afterthought; or more
correctly, as a camouflage.
What is being sought is the opposite of the patriotic efforts of
Filipino leaders' lobbying in the United States Congress, in the early
'30s, for a more honorable Independence Law. Malacañang owes it to the
Filipino people to disclose the full story behind this act to subvert
the independence of local efforts to revise the fundamental law. The
Constitution guarantees the "right of the people to information on
matters of public concern." Foreign involvement in the revision of our
Constitution is a matter of paramount public concern. It cannot be
said that the subject is one of those matters to which public access
to information may be limited. The subject does not involve "state
secrets regarding military, diplomatic and other national security,"
even if it involves principally the political aspirations of certain
public figures.
Significantly, there is this constitutional rule about financial
contributions from foreign governments: "Financial contributions from
foreign governments and their agencies to political parties,
organizations, coalitions, or candidates related to elections
constitute interference in national affairs, and, when accepted, shall
be an additional ground for the cancellation of their registration
with the Commission, in addition to other penalties that may be
prescribed by law." The proscription of financial contribution to
political parties from foreign governments is designed to insulate the
electoral process from foreign interference. Accepting such
contribution comes close to being treasonous.
The evil becomes magnified when the intended object of interference is
the re-crafting of the fundamental law. If acceptance of contribution
for such object is not explicitly prohibited by the Constitution, it
is not because the Constitution does not see it as an evil but rather
because the evil is so obvious that no thinking person can miss it. In
fact, this is so obvious to many current high-ranking officials that
they have quickly joined in the chorus singing that they know or knew
nothing about it.
As if the sin could be covered by making it private, Gonzales has gone
on to say that public money will not be spent but that money will come
or has come from private individuals. Does a government acquit itself
from a criminal liability simply by enticing goons to do a crime?
I am not saying that the alleged private contributors are goons. They
may be perfectly honorable, if misguided, individuals. But we should
be told, under the right to information on matters of public concern,
who these private individuals are. Are they Filipinos or are they
foreigners? What are their own private interests? This is a matter
that is crying for a public confession and not just a simple
acknowledgment of a lapse in judgment.
If there is anything that we should learn from this caper, it is that
this administration cannot be trusted with orchestrating the revision
of our Constitution. For reasons of its own, whether honorable or not,
it is dead set on forcing a switch to a parliamentary and federal form
of government. The constitutional revision enterprise is a solemnly
sovereign one. It should be insulated from influences that can imprint
on the fundamental law directions that do or can undermine national
interest. We know from our experience in the electoral process that
money can be dangled to deaden consciences. Foreign money should not
be allowed, much less should it be sought, to influence popular
choice.
Betrayal of public trust was the leading accusation against Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo in the impeachment proceeding against her. That
accusation has not been cleared. It has merely been swept under the
rug by a subservient House of Representatives. Now comes this appeal
for financial assistance from a foreign government to subvert the
solemn sovereign task of revising our Constitution. If she had nothing
to do with it, she should disown it promptly. If she is its occult
author, she should rue it publicly.
Several years ago, when the renewal of the Philippine-US Bases
Agreement was the issue, senators stood tall to oppose the President's
desire. The nation cheered. Revising the Constitution can be more
significant and more far-reaching in its effect than the fate of the
US Military Bases in the Philippines. Forces within the current
administration, in their desire to have their way in the amendatory
process, are bent on drowning the Senate in an avalanche of House of
Representatives votes. This is a moment when once again senators
should stand tall
Tuesday, September 06, 2005
Cine Europa Film Festival
Now in its 8th year, the Cine Europa Film Festival is eagerly awaited by
all aficionados of European cinema.
Organised by the Embassies of the European Union Member States and the
Delegation of the European Commission in Manila the festival will take
place at the Shangri-La Plaza Mall, EDSA cor. Shaw Blvd. (easy access by
MRT, plenty of parking available) from Thursday, Sept. 22 to Sunday, Oct
02, 2005.
Please find attached a draft flyer with the screening schedule and a brief
synopsis of each films. I have also attached some more information about
the German film "Kroko". Films will be shown in the original language
with English subtitles.
Admission is free!
Opening night on Thursday, Sept. 22:
Invitation only!
Please tell your family, friends, neighbours, badminton partner, fellow
choir members, gym buddy etc. about Cine Europa 8 and encourage everyone
to come and watch the films.
For your information, after Manila Cine Europa 8 will move on to Davao
(Oct. 07 to 09) and Cebu (Oct. 14 to 16).
all aficionados of European cinema.
Organised by the Embassies of the European Union Member States and the
Delegation of the European Commission in Manila the festival will take
place at the Shangri-La Plaza Mall, EDSA cor. Shaw Blvd. (easy access by
MRT, plenty of parking available) from Thursday, Sept. 22 to Sunday, Oct
02, 2005.
Please find attached a draft flyer with the screening schedule and a brief
synopsis of each films. I have also attached some more information about
the German film "Kroko". Films will be shown in the original language
with English subtitles.
Admission is free!
Opening night on Thursday, Sept. 22:
Invitation only!
Please tell your family, friends, neighbours, badminton partner, fellow
choir members, gym buddy etc. about Cine Europa 8 and encourage everyone
to come and watch the films.
For your information, after Manila Cine Europa 8 will move on to Davao
(Oct. 07 to 09) and Cebu (Oct. 14 to 16).
Wednesday, August 17, 2005
CRASH
I went to see a movie at SM last Friday. It was a movie of Paul Haggis, CRASH (producer of Million Dollar Baby). The editing was good, acting was par excellence. This movie is heavy in dialogue, so I advise that you listen carefully while watching ... ask questions after the movie.
I'd seen the various ways we discriminate against each other in everyday life. I'd seen how we rationalize and excuse it, how we organize our lives so that we dont have to deal with it, and how we deny that discrimination exists. The movie is not really about race or class, it's about fear of strangers. It's about intolerance and compassion; about how we all hate to be judged but see no contradiction in judging others.
We live in a society of fear, where people use that fear in order to control us, and the media uses that fear to manipulate us. The movie wants to discuss that and how that fear resonates and distorts how we perceive the world around us. Our reality is so detached that I think it requires a catastrophic event to make us either feel or acknowledge what's actually going on. We are too comfortable, way too comfortable.
It is a film that escapes genre categorization because it escapes tonal categorization. This is a film about real life. It's also something of a fable and a morality play. And it's a story of hope. There's levity, heartbreak, tragedy, beauty, comedy. You will see in Crash how fragile humanity is in general and how the slightest choice you make, which may not seem that important at the time, can end up having huge ramifications, a ripple effect way beyond yourself.
Probably one of my favorite movies this year!
I'd seen the various ways we discriminate against each other in everyday life. I'd seen how we rationalize and excuse it, how we organize our lives so that we dont have to deal with it, and how we deny that discrimination exists. The movie is not really about race or class, it's about fear of strangers. It's about intolerance and compassion; about how we all hate to be judged but see no contradiction in judging others.
We live in a society of fear, where people use that fear in order to control us, and the media uses that fear to manipulate us. The movie wants to discuss that and how that fear resonates and distorts how we perceive the world around us. Our reality is so detached that I think it requires a catastrophic event to make us either feel or acknowledge what's actually going on. We are too comfortable, way too comfortable.
It is a film that escapes genre categorization because it escapes tonal categorization. This is a film about real life. It's also something of a fable and a morality play. And it's a story of hope. There's levity, heartbreak, tragedy, beauty, comedy. You will see in Crash how fragile humanity is in general and how the slightest choice you make, which may not seem that important at the time, can end up having huge ramifications, a ripple effect way beyond yourself.
Probably one of my favorite movies this year!
Wednesday, August 03, 2005
GEORGE CARLIN - POST 9-11
GEORGE CARLIN - POST 9-11
The paradox of our time in history is that
We have taller buildings but shorter tempers,
Wider freeways, but narrower viewpoints.
We spend more, but have less.
We buy more, but enjoy less.
We have bigger houses and smaller families,
more conveniences, but less time.
We have more degrees but less sense,
more knowledge, but less judgment,
more experts, yet more problems,
more medicine, but less wellness.
We drink too much, smoke too much, spend too recklessly,
laugh too little, drive too fast, get too angry, stay up too late,
get up too tired, watch TV too much, and pray too seldom.
We have multiplied our possessions, but reduced our values.
We talk too much, love too seldom, and hate too often.
We've learned how to make a living, but not a life.
We've added years to life not life to years.
We've been all the way to the moon and back, but have
trouble crossing the street to meet a new neighbor.
We conquered outer space but not inner space.
We've done larger things, but not better things.
We've cleaned up the air, but polluted the soul.
We've conquered the atom, but not our prejudice.
We write more, but learn less.
We plan more, but accomplish less.
We've learned to rush, but not to wait.
We build more computers to hold more information,
to produce more copies than ever,
but we communicate less and less.
These are the times of fast foods and slow digestion,
big men and small character,
steep profits and shallow relationships.
These are the days of two incomes but more divorce,
fancier houses, but broken homes.
These are days of quick trips, disposable diapers,
throwaway morality, one night stands, overweight bodies,
and pills that do everything from cheer, to quiet, to kill.
It is a time when there is much in the showroom window
and nothing in the stockroom.
A time when technology can bring this letter to you,
and a time when you can choose either to share this insight, or to just hit delete.
Remember, spend some time with your loved ones,
because they are not going to be around forever.
Remember, say a kind word to someone who looks up to
you in awe, because that little person soon
will grow up and leave your side.
Remember, to give a warm hug to the one next to you,
because that is the only treasure you can give
with your heart and it doesn't cost a cent.
Remember, to say, "I love you" to your partner and your loved ones,
but most of all mean it. A kiss and an embrace will mend hurt
when it comes from deep inside of you.
Remember to hold hands and cherish the moment for
someday that person will not be there again.
Give time to love, give time to speak, and give time
to share the precious thoughts in your mind.
AND ALWAYS REMEMBER:
Life is not measured by the number of breaths we take,
but by the moments that take our breath away.
If you don't share this to other people.... who cares?
George Carlin
The paradox of our time in history is that
We have taller buildings but shorter tempers,
Wider freeways, but narrower viewpoints.
We spend more, but have less.
We buy more, but enjoy less.
We have bigger houses and smaller families,
more conveniences, but less time.
We have more degrees but less sense,
more knowledge, but less judgment,
more experts, yet more problems,
more medicine, but less wellness.
We drink too much, smoke too much, spend too recklessly,
laugh too little, drive too fast, get too angry, stay up too late,
get up too tired, watch TV too much, and pray too seldom.
We have multiplied our possessions, but reduced our values.
We talk too much, love too seldom, and hate too often.
We've learned how to make a living, but not a life.
We've added years to life not life to years.
We've been all the way to the moon and back, but have
trouble crossing the street to meet a new neighbor.
We conquered outer space but not inner space.
We've done larger things, but not better things.
We've cleaned up the air, but polluted the soul.
We've conquered the atom, but not our prejudice.
We write more, but learn less.
We plan more, but accomplish less.
We've learned to rush, but not to wait.
We build more computers to hold more information,
to produce more copies than ever,
but we communicate less and less.
These are the times of fast foods and slow digestion,
big men and small character,
steep profits and shallow relationships.
These are the days of two incomes but more divorce,
fancier houses, but broken homes.
These are days of quick trips, disposable diapers,
throwaway morality, one night stands, overweight bodies,
and pills that do everything from cheer, to quiet, to kill.
It is a time when there is much in the showroom window
and nothing in the stockroom.
A time when technology can bring this letter to you,
and a time when you can choose either to share this insight, or to just hit delete.
Remember, spend some time with your loved ones,
because they are not going to be around forever.
Remember, say a kind word to someone who looks up to
you in awe, because that little person soon
will grow up and leave your side.
Remember, to give a warm hug to the one next to you,
because that is the only treasure you can give
with your heart and it doesn't cost a cent.
Remember, to say, "I love you" to your partner and your loved ones,
but most of all mean it. A kiss and an embrace will mend hurt
when it comes from deep inside of you.
Remember to hold hands and cherish the moment for
someday that person will not be there again.
Give time to love, give time to speak, and give time
to share the precious thoughts in your mind.
AND ALWAYS REMEMBER:
Life is not measured by the number of breaths we take,
but by the moments that take our breath away.
If you don't share this to other people.... who cares?
George Carlin
Tuesday, June 21, 2005
Pagbabago@Pilipinas Press Release
pagbabago@pilipinas
PRESS RELEASE
Reference: Bart Guingona, pagbabago@pilipinas President
Tel. No. 751-7647
PRESIDENT Arroyo must act directly and immediately to avert the crisis of credibility besetting her presidency and her government, a multi-sectoral group of young professionals said yesterday.
They also called on members of the Arroyo Cabinet to convince the President to face the issues raised by the so-called “Gloriagate” tapes and respond to the Filipino people’s demand for the truth.
In a statement entitled “Our people demand their leader to be accountable: Did the President cheat in the May 2004 elections?” members of Pagbabago@Pilipinas asserted that the “onus for action” rests entirely on the President to either disprove the authenticity of the tapes and therefore reinforce her legitimacy as President, or, failing that, act on the consequences of having been proved to be occupying a post “she had no moral right to occupy.”
The accusations contained in the tapes “are too gross, blatant and disgusting to be ignored or forgotten,” the statement added. The Arroyo administration’s legitimacy “cannot be defended by mere legality about the inadmissibility of these tapes…(and) certainly…not by threats of arrest or prosecution because such efforts would only appear like bullying people whom she is unable to convince.”
As to the President’s raising the need to concentrate on more urgent priorities like the economy and poverty reduction, Pagbabago@Pilipinas said “the quickest and most effective path to our people’s unified and focused action on these problems” is precisely by “promptly and definitively (laying) this controversy to rest with the truth and nothing but the truth.”
“This is a time for accountability and only the truth will matter to the people’s judgment,” Pagbabago@Pilipinas concluded.
Thursday, June 16, 2005
The Roots of An Immoral Presidency
The Roots of An Immoral Presidency
I have been trying to understand what moral compass this woman used to get to the Presidency as it is crucial to understand what guide she applies in her political decisions. Here is my rough and dirty reconstruction of the immoral foundations of this never elected president.
1. Fact in the real world: GMA becomes successor president because ERAP's corruption creates a public outrage strong enough to force his resignation Private moral lesson to GMA: It was not ERAP's corruption that was wrong. It was not even the public outrage to corruption. It was only the strength of the public demonstration of this outrage. GMA's application of the lesson is therefore to manage corruption as a communications matter not a key foundation of substantive governance practice. Corruption is fine as long as one can get away with it.
2. Fact in the real world: GMA gets declared winner of 2004 elections despite having cheated. Private moral lesson to GMA: People afraid of an FPJ win will accept even a flawed GMA win. Cheating is fine as long as it is not so blatant to be found out and it prevents an outcome that many powerful people did not really like.
3. Fact in the real world: GMA continues as president despite credible evidence shown to the public of her cheating in the last elections. Private moral lesson for GMA: Truth does not matter. Public outrage is unimportant if they do not march in the streets. Anyway, what's their alternative? Legitimacy is being in position. Only strength counts and as long as those wanting her out are not strong enough, life will go on for most people. Why change?
We have here an intelligent woman who has learned from her rise to and continued stay in power that:
1. It is not personal honesty that is important; it is only public perceptions that matter and these can be manufactured.
2. It is not the authentic will of the electorate that matters; it is only the manufactured appearance of an electoral victory that is acceptable to powerful people.
3. It is not the truth about a president's legitimacy to govern that matters; it is only the strength or force behind such truth that counts.
How long do you think our government and nation can last with a president, commander-in-chief, and top executive who does not care about personal honesty, only about the dangers of being found out; does not respect the true will of the people and ignores the truth, only bows to the force or strength behind that will and the truth? How long can we survive as a peaceful and civilized nation with our highest official that is immune to basic standards of honesty, respect for the people's authentic will and, most of all, adherence to the truth? The longer GMA stays in power after her illegitimacy to govern had been unmasked, the weaker is the case for her to even change or improve the way she governs. Why be honest when you can get away with corruption? Why follow the people's will when you can just cheat them? Why respect the truth when you can get away with ignoring it? It is clear that GMA is conscience-proof and only understands the force of numbers on the streets or in Congress or the firepower threatening her. As long as these superior arguments are not arrayed against her, she will continue and she may soon add another lesson into her personal manual of immorality: Filipinos do not have any moral backbone so why should their President have one? It would be great if enough Filipinos can teach this woman something new.
Monday, May 09, 2005
Photo Collections
Ateneo de Davao's Beach Front in Samal Collection
Fyodor is bored as the Rocsta rides the RORO (Roll-on Roll-Off) barge to the Island Garden City of Samal. (Photo: Igy Castrillo)
Click here to view more.
Fyodor is bored as the Rocsta rides the RORO (Roll-on Roll-Off) barge to the Island Garden City of Samal. (Photo: Igy Castrillo)
Click here to view more.
Wednesday, April 27, 2005
Killing Time
How do I kill time?
Let me count the ways.
By worrying about things
Over which I have no control.
Like the past.
Like the future.
By harboring resentment
and anger
over hurts
real or imagined.
By disdaining the ordinary
or, rather, what I
so mindlessly
call ordinary.
By concern over what's in it for me,
rather than what's in me
for it.
By failing to appreciate what is
because of might-have-beens,
should-have-beens,
could-have-beens.
These are some of the ways
I kill time.
Jesus didn't kill time.
He gave life to it.
His own.
- Leo Rock, SJ
Let me count the ways.
By worrying about things
Over which I have no control.
Like the past.
Like the future.
By harboring resentment
and anger
over hurts
real or imagined.
By disdaining the ordinary
or, rather, what I
so mindlessly
call ordinary.
By concern over what's in it for me,
rather than what's in me
for it.
By failing to appreciate what is
because of might-have-beens,
should-have-beens,
could-have-beens.
These are some of the ways
I kill time.
Jesus didn't kill time.
He gave life to it.
His own.
- Leo Rock, SJ
Monday, April 25, 2005
The Ateneo de Samal
Isang araw habang abala ang araw sa paggising sa umaga, isang tropa ang nagpasyang pumunta sa IGACOS upang magpahinga, kumain, maligo, maglakad at mahiga sa buhangin. Mabuti at merong isang kapirasong lupa ang Ateneo de Davao sa Samal Islang, merong dagat na maliliguan ang mga guro at mag-aaral.
Heto ang ilan sa mga kulay:
The Ateneo de Davao's beach in Island Garden City of Samal
More pictures,
The sun did its best, see our faces.
Igy: The man behind the camera, becomes the subject of it.
The Great Wall of Miguel
Camille and Tito Elvi
Berns and Auau
Light moments with Fyodor Alec
Heto ang ilan sa mga kulay:
The Ateneo de Davao's beach in Island Garden City of Samal
More pictures,
The sun did its best, see our faces.
Igy: The man behind the camera, becomes the subject of it.
The Great Wall of Miguel
Camille and Tito Elvi
Berns and Auau
Light moments with Fyodor Alec
Wednesday, April 20, 2005
IMaGes
During intense moments in the my experiments with visuals, I rarely see vivid photos which capture the essence of passion and sweetness. Nay, very rare. The real emotion is ambulatory until the photographer "CREATES" the photograph. There, it becomes eternity.
And when it comes to mimetic art, it seems the infancy stage of art appreciation is fixated. It tries to appropriate to itself what's visually representative of what it hungers for, perhaps ... even beyond infancy stage. Interesting.
Monday, March 28, 2005
NAMFREL 2004 Operations
I would like to thank and honor the NAMFREL volunteers in Davao City last May 2004 for their courage, hard work, professionalism and dedicated service for the country. Far more than just a citizen's quick count, the operation was a success due to the outpouring of citizenry's desire to have a fair and honest elections.
Here are the glimpses of courageous faces, the unsung heroes of the modern time:
One of the Press Conferences at the Finster Multipurpose Room
One of the Executive Meetings at the Basement Headquarters
Special Christmas Party of Secretariat last December 2004
Thanksgiving Rest and Recreation with Bobby Orig at Samal Island
For more pictures, visit here
Here are the glimpses of courageous faces, the unsung heroes of the modern time:
One of the Press Conferences at the Finster Multipurpose Room
One of the Executive Meetings at the Basement Headquarters
Special Christmas Party of Secretariat last December 2004
Thanksgiving Rest and Recreation with Bobby Orig at Samal Island
For more pictures, visit here
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