Pagpapalitan ng Kuro-kuro at Demokrasya

PAGPAPALITAN NG KURO-KURO AT DEMOKRASYA
Isang Pananaliksik sa Pag-uunawa ni Jürgen Habermas
Ukol sa Demokratikong Lipunan

JEREMY S. ELIAB
Pamantasan ng Ateneo de Manila

Pambungad

"Ang pakikisangkot sa pulitika ay isang pamamaraan upang hawakan ang kilos ng ibang mga tao." Ito ang nakasanayang pagkilala sa pakikisangkot ng tao sa mga usaping panlipunan na mayroong mahalagang bunga sa pang-araw-araw na pamumuhay. Sa mga pangkaraniwang tao, ang kapangyarihang pulitikal ay kakayahan na "gumawa ng mga inaasahang parusa para sa mga hindi pagsunod" bilang paglalagay ng hangganansa mga kilos at gawain ng iba. Ngunit maari ring ang mismong kapangyarihan ang magiging sagabal sa pakikibahagi ng tao, sa pakikipagkapwa-tao, lalo na sa mga bansang nasa ilalim ng diktadurya o batas militar. Sa kabilang banda, maari ring ang kapangyarihang pulitikal ay maging isang kasangkapan ng isang malaya’t maayos na pakikisangkot ng tao sa lipunang demokratiko. Samakatuwid, kung ang pulitika ay isang sistema ng paghawak ng kapangyarihan upang magkaroon ng kaayusan sa lipunan at mabisang pakikisangkot ng mamamayan, isang napakahalagang aspeto ang pamamaraan ng pahawak sa kapangyarihang ito na isinaalang-alang ang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ng mga tao sa lipunang kanilang ginagalawan.

Itong mga kuro-kuro ay laganap sa kahit saang lugar sa lipunan, kahit sa anumang panahon. Maaring sa isang simpleng sari-sari store na pinag-kakaumpukan ng mga tao, sa loob ng bus o sa barberya o sa mga NGO fora. Kung tunay ang pagsasalin ng mga kuro-kurong ito upang maging pormal na polisiya, magiging batayan ang mabisang komunikasyon, mabisang pagpapalitan ng usapin, at pagkakaroon ng kasunduan mula sa iba’t ibang sektor ng mga batas at kodigong nagagawa sa Kongreso.

Ito ang sinusubukang tingnan ni Jürgen Habermas sa kanyang librong Between facts and norms. Sa kanyang pagtalakay sa batas, nais niyang pagpagin ang iba’t ibang pananaw ng mga teorya ng batas at teorya ng katarungan. At sa pagpapagpag ng mga ito, nagkakaroon ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro, sa kanyang pagtatalakay, upang palabasin ang isang bagong pananaw ukol sa batas, isang pananaw na naka-ugat sa malayang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro upang humantong sa isang lipunang malaya at makatarungan.

Ayon sa teksto ni Habermas, ang modernong pagtingin sa batas ngayon ay kailangang linawin. Kailangang makita ng mga nasa larangan ng gumagawa ng batas at mga nasa lipunang pangmamayan ang igting na nanahan sa batas. Itong igting ang siyang buhay ng lahat ng batas upang maging isang epektibong kasangkapan ng pakikisangkot ng tao sa lipunan at mabisang pamamahala ng gobyerno. Nasa puso ng bawat batas ang igting na ito, na kung makakaligtaang makita ay nagbubunga ng isang "tagilid na pananaw" (BFN, xx) sa dinamikong katotohanan ng batas.

Kaya ang pananaliksik na ito ay isang paglalahad ng halaga ng malayang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro, at kung paano ito nagbubunga ng isang malaya’t demokratikong lipunan na mayroong matatag na batas, na sinusunod ng mga mamamayan ayon rin sa tindi ng kanilang pakikisangkot sa pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro. Sinisikap na ibalangkas ng pananaliksik na ito ang pag-uunawa ni Habermas sa batas at demokrasya. May mga halimbawa’t kongkretong pangyayari sa pulitika at lipunang Pilipino na tatalakayin sa huling bahagi, isang maliit na sanaysay ng manunulat sa Tambuli ng Maralita na tinatalakay dito ang P.D. 772 (Penalizing Squatting and Other Similar Acts) at ang Batas Pambansa 8368 (An Act Repealing Presidential Decree 772).

Ang Pagpapalitan ng Kuro-Kuro Bilang Saligan ng Katarungan

Sa modernong panahon, lalo na sa panahon na nauuga ang pundasyon ng ontolohikal na pagbibigay dahilan sa mga bagay-bagay na nangyayari sa lipunan, naging isang tunay na pagkakataon rin ito upang bumaling sa ibang ugat na wala ang mga sinauna’t di-natatanong na palagay ng metapisika. Ito ang pagsilang ng konsepto ng deliberatibong demokrasya, isang konsepto na ang demokrasya sa isang lipunan ay hindi lamang nakakasalalay sa isang paninindigan na ang sining ng pulitika ay isang pamamahala ng kapangyarihan upang magkaroon ng kaayusan ang lipunan, kundi isang konseptong ang kapangyarihan ng mga taong nakikipagkapwa ay isinalin sa batas, hindi lamang sa panahon ng halalan, kundi kahit na sa pangkaraniwang panahon ng pagsasabatas ng mga matinong panukala mula sa hinubog na opinyon ng mga mamamayan.

May ibang laganap na pananaw sa Pilipinas. Kapag ang isang pulitiko ay naihalal bilang isang lingkod-bayan, nasa pag-uunawa ng pulitiko na ang paghahalal sa kanya ay isang pagbibigay ng kapangyarihan sa kanya ng mga tao. Ibig sabihin na nawawala ang deliberatibong relasyon ng isang publikong opisyal sa mga tao kapag nasa posisyon na siya. Samakatuwid nangyayari lamang ang isang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro bago ang halalan, hindi pagkatapos ng halalan. Hinayaan na lamang ang isang mambabatas na gawin ang kanyang "nais gawin" na walan na ang patuloy na deliberasyon sa mga tao, na wala na ang tunay na pagpupulso sa mga mamamayan na kanilang sinasakupan o bilang kinakatawanan. Tunay itong makita sa usapin ukol sa pagbabago ng Saligang Batas noong 1997.

Ayon pa sa isang manunuri ng pulitika sa Pilipinas:

Kahit na ang batas [local government code] ay hindi magagamit [ng mga mamamayan], sapagkat sinasabi lamang nito ang mekanismo ng pakikisangkot; wala sapat na kapangyarihan [ang mamamayan] … . Kaya magiging mabunga lamang sa mga sektor na ito ang kanilang pakikisangkot sa lokal na pamamahala, lalo na sa mga pook na ang mayor o gobernador ay nagbibingingihan sa mga sinasabi ng mga tao, kung makakita sila ng isang tuwirang landas upang maihain nila ang kanilang mga problema sa isang mas may mabigat ang dating. At hindi makikita itong landas sa 1991 Local Government Code, kundi sa Election Code of the Philippines.

Kaya kung ang batas na naisasagawa ng mga pulitikong ganito ang pag-uunawa sa halaga ng kapangyarihang pulitikal, nagiging isang nakasarang pinto ang Kongreso at ang mga lokal na konseho. Nararapat lamang sa deliberatibong demokrasya ang pakikisangkot na nagbubukas ng dinamikong ugnayan ng pamahalaan sa mga tao. Itong pag-uunawa sa katangian ng demokrasya ay isang pag-aabala na ang pakikisangkot ng mamamayan sa prosesong demokratiko ay may isang katangiang rasyunal -- na ang pagboto, halimbawa, ay hindi lamang isang katipunan ng pagkiling ng ninanais ng mga mamayan kung sino ang mamamahala sa kanila, kundi sumusunod rin sa isang proseso ng pinagmunihang ugnayan at paghubog ng matinong kuro-kuro kung paano sila pamahalaan. Sa ganitong paraan, nahuhubog ang mga tao tungo sa isang mas pinag-isipang opinyon at mga usaping mas may kinalaman sa kanilang buhay, sa halip na ang pagkapopular ng mga kandidato.

Ang batas na nalilikha mula sa mabisang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ay may malaking epekto tungo sa isang malusog na pakikisangkot ng mamamayan. Ayon kay Habermas, ang bawat batas na nalilikha ay may dalawang mukha – isang katangian na dapat makita sa modernong teorya ng batas (BFN, 32). Sa bawat batas nanahan (1) ang pagiging tunay na panlipunang katotohanan nito bilang umiiral at napapatupad, at (2) ang kakayahan ng isip rasyunal na angkinin ang katotohanan at pagka-lehitimo ng batas. Sa isang batas na ipinasa, halimbawa ng Kongreso at ipinapatupad ng Pamahalaan, nagiging isang parang "nilalang" ito na umiiral sa buhay ng mamamayan tulad ng mga bagay, na ipinapatupad at sinusunod. At ang batas ring ito ay hindi lamang basta ipinapataw ng maykapangyarihan, kundi nauunawaan, tinatanggap at sinusunod rin ng mamamayan bilang isang lehitimong patakaran na angkop para sa kanila.

Kaya ang batas ay hindi lamang mga patakarang "dapat sundin" ng mga tao, kundi nagpapakita ring may sinasabi ukol sa rason ng tao na tumatanggap at kumikilala sa batas. Kinikikaka ng mamamayan ang batas hindi bilang mga "dapat sundin" lamang kundi bilang mga adhikain at layunin upang ang kani-kanilang buhay ay maging isang maayos at masaya.

Pag-ugat ng Batas sa Rasyunal na Pag-iisip ng Tao

Iniugat ni Habermas ang kanyang pag-uunawa ukol sa pagka-lehitimo ng batas kay Kant. Bakit ba sinusunod ng mga tao ang pinapatupad na batas? Ayon kay Kant, ang pag-uunawa sa batas ay laging nasa liwanag ng pantay na mga batayang karapatan ng bawat isang taong malaya. Itong mga karapatan ay nakaugat sa isang unibersal na prinsipyo ng batas (Rechtsprinzip) na ang ibig sabihin "ang katipunan ng mga kalagayang posibleng gumalaw ang isang moral na nilalang, upang gawing pangkalahatan ang isang nais ipatupad na patakaran sa panlabas na kilos ng mga indibidwal" (BFN, xii).

Samakatuwid, ang batas ay may kinalaman sa kalayaan ng bawat isang indibidwal. Pinapalagay ng Kantianong pag-uunawa na ang batas ay "katipunan ng mga kondisyong maaring galawan ng malayang pagpapasya (Willkür) ng isang indibidwal na maaring pag-isahin sa mga malalaya ring pasya ng iba alinsunod sa isang unibersal na batas ng kalayaan." Kaya mayroong ibig sabihin si Kant ukol sa katangian ng batas na ginawa ng tao: na ang batas ang (1) nagbibigay ng hangganang angkop at sapat upang ang bawat isa ay maaring kumilos ng malaya upang hanapin ang kanilang tagumpay at kasiyahan; (2) na ang batas ay nakasalalay sa prinsipyo ng kalayaan, na lahat ay may kalayaan na dapat angkinin at galangin ng bawat isa. Hinihingi ang minimum na panggalang mula sa mga tao.

Kaya ang batas ay humihingi sa bawat tao ng paggalang, sapagkat ang paggalang dito ay pagkilala sa kalayaang nanahan sa bawat isa. Kaya nagiging lehitimo ang batas kung ipapatupad at ipapataw ito, kapag nakaugat ito sa konsepto ng kalayaan. "Ang pagpataw [ng batas] ay maaring bigyang-dahilan lamang kung iniiwasan nitong mangyari ang mga sagabal sa kalayaan" (BFN, 29).

Halimbawa, kapag ang isang batas ay ipinapatudad ng lokal na pamahalaan, kailangan isinaalang-alang na ang panukala ay dumaan sa proseso ng debate at pagdinig sa lahat ng kuro-kuro ng mamamayan o ng mga taong nasasangkot. Sa ganitong paraan, nakikita ng mga tao na ang batas ay karapat-dapat ngang sundin sapagakat dumaan ito sa isang rasyunal na pagpapalitan ng posisyon ng lahat na nakasangkot. Kapag ito ay naisabatas at ipinapatupad, may kasama itong parusa upang pigilin ang anumang paglabag. Ngunit hindi nakikita ng mga tao ang batas sa liwanag ng isang "masamang tao", ibig sabihin hindi nakikita lamang ang batas bilang sistema lamang ng mga parusa. Nauunawaan ng mga tao ang batas bilang isang positibong patakaran na kailangang sundin, sapagkat may sinasabi ito ukol sa kalayaan ng bawat isang indibidwal.

Samakatuwid, ang pag-uugat ng batas sa unibersal na prinsipyo ng kalayaan ng bawat isa, "sa isang pangkalahatang kapakanan ng tao," ang nagbibigay-dahilan upang sundin ng bawat moral na tao ang batas. Nakikita dito na bumabalik sa rasyunal na pagbibigay ng dahilan sa pagka-wasto, pagka-lehitimo ng batas. Nagiging isang batayan ang kakayahan ng rason na magbigay ng katwiran sa pagkalehitimo ng batas, na inaangkin naman ng isip at kumikilala sa batas bilang dapat sundin at tupdin. Bukal ng batas ang mismong deliberasyon, buhay ng batas ang patuloy pang deliberasyon at pagbibigay katwiran, at deliberasyon pa rin ang kikitil sa batas kapag hindi na ito ayon sa pantay-pantay na kalayaan ng bawat isa, hindi lamang ayon sa pangkalahatang kapakanan ng tao.

Angkla ng Batas sa Deliberasyon

Sa teorya ng deliberasyon ni Habermas masisilayan ang pagsisikap na buhayin ang kakayahan ng rason, ang kakayahan ng isip na magmuni ukol sa mga bagay ng may halaga sa buhay pulitika ng tao. Higit sa lahat, kung ang batas na siyang puno at dulo ng sistemang pangkatarungan ng isang lipunan, matindi ang hamon sa isang mainam na deliberasyong rasyunal sa proseso ng pagsasabatas ng mga panukala. Ang sukatan ng mabuting batas o masamang batas ay nasa antas ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ng mga mamamayan, ng mga pangkat na hindi kasangay ng pamahalaan (NGO), ng mga iba pang lugar na maaring maging kalagayan ng pagsibol ng di-pormal na pagpapalitan ng opinyon.

"Ibig sabihin ng karapatan na makisangkot sa pulitika ay ang legal na pagsasalin ng publikong opinyon-at-paghubog-ng-loob tungo sa legal balangkas na nagiging ganap sa mga polisiya at mga batas" (BFN, 151). Mahalagang makita na sa pag-uunawa ni Habermas, ang pagsasabatas ay hindi lamang isang paggawa ng hangganan sa mga kilos ng tao at pagtatanggal ng mga sagabal sa kalayaan ng bawat isang kasapi ng lipunan. Ang pakikisangkot sa mga usaping pulitikal, lalo na sa pagsasabatas, ay isang pangangailangan upang lumikha ng mga lehitimo’t makatarungang batas. Nakasalalay ang pagkalehitimo ng at pagkamakatarungan ng batas sa antas ng pakikisangkot ng mga tao.

Kinakailangan ang malayang deliberasyon ng mga mamayan sa bawat pagsasabatas, sapagkat nagkakaroon lamang ng lehitimong kapangyarihan ang batas na dapat itong ipatupad kung nakikita itong may tuwirang ugnayan mula sa mga tao.

Ito ang kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon, ang kapangyarihan ng malayang usap-usapan ng mga mga mamayan na nagtitiyak sa pagiging lehitimo ng batas. Ayon pa kay Hannah Arendt, "Ang kapangyarihang bumubukal mula sa pagitan ng mga tao kung sama-samang kumikilos, at naglalaho sa sandaling maghiwa-hiwalay sila." Sa pananaw na ito, ang batas sa lipunan at ang kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon ay nanggaling sa opinyon, na marami ang publikong nagkakasundo (BFN, 147). Samakatuwid, may isang mahigpit na ugnayan ang pagkilos ng malayang usap-usapan sa pagsasagawa ng mga makatwiran at lehitimong batas.

Sa pamamagitan ng pagpapakilos ng kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon, na maaaring nangyayari sa kahit na anong anyo sa larangan ng mga di-pormal na pook-usapan, unti-unti itong naging isang potensyal, na lumalawak ang impluwensiya, kumakalat sa mga tao, at makakarating sa mga pormal na usapan. Ang mga ganitong namumuo na mga opinyon ay hindi dapat tanggihan ng mga may hawak ng kapangyarihang magsabatas ng mga adhikain ng mga tao sapagkat sa mga opinyong ito tunay na napupulsuhan ng pamahalaan ang bayan.

Kaya ang batas ay isang instrumento ng pagsasalin ng kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon sa kapangyarihan ng pamamahala (BFN, 149). Ang batas ay kailangang tingnan bilang isang kasangkapan ng pagdadala ng opinyon ng mga taong dumaan sa isang deliberasyon upang maging isang lehitimong batas maging isang legal na balangkas na tinatanggap ng mga tao. Ang pagka-lehitimo ng batas ay humihingi ng batayan mula sa mismong deliberasyon at pagtatanong ng rason, at hindi sa kakayahan at pulitikal na puwersa ng isang pamahalaan.

Pagsasanib ng Di-Pormal na Kuro-kuro sa Pormal na Balangkas

Laganap ang iba’t ibang anyo ng deliberasyon sa di-pormal na larangan. Kung tutuusin, buhay ng mismong pangkaraniwang mamamayan ang mismong deliberasyon sa mga usap-usapang nangyayari sa mga lokal pook sa kapaligiran. Ayon pa kay Rainier Ibana:

"Ginagawa ito sa pang-araw-araw na usap-usapan. Tuwing nag-uumpukan sa tindahan, naghihingutuhan sa mga baitang ng hagdanan, nagtatalo o nagtsitsismisan sa mga barberya o byuti parlor, tinutupad na ang deliberasyon. Totoong maliliit na antas lamang ang mga halimbawang nabanggit. Subalit maging isang higit na malawakang antas, ipinakikita ng mga umuusbong na mga kilusang hindi kasangay ng pamahalaan (NGOS) na maaring makabuo ng mga grupong nakabatay sa deliberasyon" (PM, 100).

Ito ang mga pook na dapat buhayin at bigyang pansin ng pamahalaan. Ayon pa kay Habermas, sa isang demokratikong pamamahala ay dapat isinasaalang-alang ang isang malinaw na proseso kung paano napapakinggan ang mga opinyon ng tao mula sa mga di-pormal na larangan (BFN, 349). Kailangan na sa isang sistema ng batas, lalo na sa Saligang Batas, may malinaw na patakaran at mekanismo ang pagsasalin ng mga kuro-kuro ng tao tungo sa paglikha batas, at may sapat ring kapangyarihan ang pamahalaan kung naipapatupad itong patakarang nangangalaga sa proseso ng deliberasyon upang maipagtatanggol ang mga tinig ng lahat, lalo na ang mga nangangailangan ng pansing panlipunan tulad mga abang maralita.

Isang panlipunang kalawakan ang publikong larangan ng deliberasyon (BFN, 360). Binubuo ito ng isang balangkas ng komunikasyon na nakaugat sa lifeword sa pamamagitan ng mabisang sapot na ugnayan ng mga pangkat na hindi kasangay ng pamahalaan. Ito rin ang mistulang "tainga" na nagbibigay ng babala kapag mayroong problema sa isang lipunan. Sa isang demokratikong lipunan, hindi lamang instrumento pakikinig sa mga suliraning panlipunan ang publikong larangan, maari rin nitong kilalanin ang mga problema ayon sa uri nito, magbigay ng mga mungkahing solusyon, ipadama at iparating ang mga ito sa pintuan ng demokratikong proseso, ang Kongreso man o lokal na konseho. Dahil na rin sa di-pormal ang talakayan, at nakabatay pana-panahong pag-usap-usapan ng mga tao, may hangganan ang sariling kakayahan ng publikong larangan upang bigyang solusyon ang mga panlipunang problema. Hindi lahat ng problema at gusot ay naaayos sa publikong larangan.

Tunay ngang mayroong nakatago at pinapalagay na pagkakaunawaan na naroroon na sa lifeworld (BFN, xvi). Itong pagkakaunawaan ang nagpapatatag, umaayos, nagpapabuo ng mga pangkat. Ang sinaunang pagkakaunawaan ang sandigan ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro – naroon ang mga sinaunang di-pormal na mekanismo upang ayusin ang di-pagkakaunawaan sa mababang antas, sa kakayahan ng rason at sa bisa pagkakaisa ng mga tao, at bunga ng pagkakahawig ng kanilang kultura, tradisyon at pagpapahalaga.

Kaya halimbawa lamang sa isang pangkat ng maralitang taga-lunsod, sa loob ng kanilang pamayanan, may sarili silang tradisyon at kultura kung paano harapin ang mga maliliit na problemang nakahain sa kanila, may sarili silang pamamaraan ng pagsasalita na madaling naiintindihan nila. Kaya kapag may namatayan sa pamayanan, may isang umiikot na tao upang humingi ng abuloy sa bawat tahanan. Hindi na tinatanong ng mga tao kung bakit may umiikot, hindi na sila tinatanong kung bakit kailangang humingi, hindi na nila dinadaan sa deliberasyon kung mangkano ang ibibigay. Ito sinaunang pagkakaunawaan na batayang sinasandigan ng pang-araw-araw na kilos at ugnayan ng mga tao. Sa pamamagitan nito, nasasala ang mga kailangang idaan sa deliberasyon – nababawasan sa mga kailangang ilagay sa usap-usapan.

Ibig sabihin, maaring ituon ang mismong enerhiya ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro sa mga mas mahahalagang usapin sa halip na sa mga maliliit na mga bagay. Kung mas may mabigat na problemang panlipunan na hindi nakakayanang ayusin ng panloob na mekanismo ng isang pamayanan, lalo na pag may panlabas na salik o dayuhang nakasangkot, dito pumapasok ng mas malawak na deliberasyon at usapan na lumalampas sa konteksto ng pamayanan.

Mula sa lifeword nakaugat ang publikong larangan. Ang usapan sa antas ng publikong larangan ay maaring nakatutok sa isang usapin, na unti-unting gumugulong sa iba’t ibang liwasan, sa iba’t ibang pook ng usap-usapan. Sa daloy ng panahon, nagiging isang malakas na opinyon publiko ang mga ito na maaring makiugnay rin sa ibang usaping panlipunan. Dito sumusulpot ang papel ng pangkat o koalisyon ng mga pangkat na nagtataguyod ng mga usapin sa pamamagitan ng pormal na proseso upang dalhin ang opinyon sa pormal na larangan ng debate – gawin itong balangkas unibersal sa pamamagitan ng pagsasabatas.

Ayon kay Habermas, "ang daloy ng komunikasyon mula sa paghubog ng opinyon, sa pagsasabalangkas ng halalan at mga pasyang lehislatibo ay nagbibigay katiyakan na ang impluwensiya at kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon ay naisasalin sa pamamagitan ng pagsasabatas tungo sa pamamahala" (BFN, 299). Nagiging pormal na balangkas, hindi laman ang laman ng mga usapin, kundi ang uri ng malayang usap-usapan, kaya ang batas ay kinikilala, tinutupad at tinatanggap ng mga tao sapagkat may tuwirang sinasabi at inaayos ang batas sa kanilang buhay. Itong mga inaayos ng batas na nailikha ay ang mga bagay-bagay na hindi kayang ayusin ng di-pormal na balangkas ng lifeword at ng publikong larangan. Ang pag-aayos ay dumadaan sa isang komplikadong pagpapatupad ng pamahalaan, ng korte, at ng mga iba’t ibang ahensiya ng gobyerno.

Ngunit ang batas ay kasangkapan ng nilalayong pagkakaunawaan ng bawat isa bilang may malayang pagkilos upang hanapin ang kanilang tagumpay, dapat may paggalang rin sa iba, na may karapatang ding hanapin kanilang tagumpay at katuparan ng buhay ng sama-sama. Dito lumalabas ang dalawang mukha ng batas na nangangalaga ng publikong kapakanan at ng pribadong kalayaan ng bawat isa. Nasa igting na ito makikita ang isang ga-buhok na pagitang nagsasagisag ng katarungan sa isang lipunan demokratiko.

Batas sa Loob ng Igting ng Publikong Autonomiya at Pribadong Autonomiya

Mayroong dalawang paradigma kung paano unawain ang modernong batas. Madalas may sinasabi ang mga tao ukol sa mga pribadong pag-aari at publikong ari-arian, publikong lupain at pribadong lupain. Kung sa lipunan umiiral ang dalawang laranga ito – ang larangan ng pribadong indibidwal at publikong maaring galawan ng indibidwal, kailangan rin isaalang-alang ito sa pagsasagawa at pagpapatupad ng batas. Kung ang isang batas ay wala sa igting ng dalawang larangan, lalabas ang pagka-hindi makatarungan ng batas, samakatuwid, hahantong sa pagka-hindi lehitimo nito, at samakatuwid, sa pagpapawalang bisa nito.

Kung may mga batas man na naipasa na isinaalang-alang lamang ang makitid na interes ng iilang indibidwal na walang pag-sasaalang-alang sa kapakanan ng pangkalahatan, sa huli, kailangang ipawalang bisa ring ito sa pamamagitan ng deliberasyon. Ang deliberasyon pa ring ang sukatan kung ang batas ay kailangang ipawalang bisa o panatilihin, sapagkat "tungkulin ng deliberasyon na ungkatin ang mga nagtatagong mga interes na humahadlang sa pakikipagkapwa-tao" (PM, 93). Lalabas ang pagka-hindi makatarungan ng batas kung hindi kayang magbigay ng sapat na katwiran ang mga gumawa nito upang panatilihing pinapatupad. Lalabas ang pagkiling nito kung hindi maipapaliwanag at bigyan ng sapat na katwirang sinasang-ayunan rin ng iba, ang mismong pagkiling nito sa mismong akto ng proseso ng deliberasyon.

Ang unang paradigma sa pag-uunawa sa katutubong katangian ng batas ay tinatawag na klasikong liberal na pinangugunahan ng mga pilosopong tulad ni John Locke (BFN, 296). Binibigyang diin ng pananaw na ito ang impersonal na katangian ng batas at ang pagtatanggol ng karapatang indibidwal. Ang pagkalehitimo ng pamahalaan ay nakabatay sa pangangalaga ng kalayaan ng bawat indibidwal, madalas itong tinaguriang karapatang pantao (BFN, xxv). Ang kaganapan ng kalayaan ay nasa pagsisikap na hanapin ng tao ang kanya-kanyang galing at kabutihan. Dapat isaalang-alang sa bawat pagpapatupad ng batas ang indibidwal na karapatan at kalayaan.

Ang isa namang pananaw ay ang republikanismo (BFN, 300) na bumubukal mula sa pag-iisip nina Platon, Aristoteles at Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Itinatanghal nitong pananaw ang demokratikong proseso bilang isang sama-samang deliberasyon upang magkaunawaan ang mga mamamayan ukol sa pangkalahatang kabutihan at kapakanan. Kaya ang kaganapan ng kalayaan ay hindi makakamit sa paghahanap ng pribadong kasiyahan kundi sa malayang pakikisangkot ng bawat kasapi sa lipunan, sa pakikiisa ng bawat kasapi sa mga pamamaraan ng pamamahala. Ang pagkalehitimo ng batas ay nakaugat sa isang popular na soberenya, sa isang kolektibong kasarinlan ng pamamahala.

Sa modernong pag-uunawa ng batas, ayon kay Habermas, naroroon itong igting o tensyon ng publiko at pribadong kapakanan, ang publikong larangan at ang pribadong larangang ginagalawan ng tao. Lahat ng batas ay nangangailangan ng panlabas na pagkilala ng mamamayan (publiko), ngunit nangangailangan rin ng rasyunal na batayan upang matanggap ng mga indibidwal na mamamayan (pribado) ang mga ito bilang lehitimong batas na humihingi ng kanilang pagtupad. Kaya ang mismong malinaw at rasyunal na pag-uugat ng pagkalehitimo batas ay kailangan, sapagkat dapat ipatupad ang mga batas na walang pagpapalagay na umiiwas sa pagtatanong ng rason, tulad, halimbawa, ng relihiyosong pananaw. Hindi maaring iugat ang pagka-lehitimo ng batas sa mga pagpapalagay na ibinabawal ang pagtatanong at deliberayon ayon sa kakayahan ng rason at pagbibigay katuwiran. Ganyan ang katangian ng modernong batas.

Sa ating nakita, kailangang ang bawat batas ay tiyak na nangangalaga ng dalawang larangan na nabanggit. Kailangang malinaw na nakasaad sa batas ang larangan na maaring galawan ng mga pribadong mamamayan upang malayang magpasya at hanapin ang kanilang personal na tagumpay at kasiyahan. Samakatuwid, dapat nasa diwa ng batas ang paggalang sa pribadong autonomiya. Sa kabilang banda naman, upang maging mabisa ang pagpapatupad ng batas, kailangang malinaw ring makita ng mga matitinong tao ang rasyunal na hangganang ipinapataw ng batas. At kapag nakita ito ng mga tao, maliwanag nilang kilalanin na ang kaayusang legal, ang publikong larangan na ginagalawan nila, ay nagmumula mismo sa kanilang kakayahang magsabatas ng matino’t katanggap-tanggap sa rason na mga panukala upang pangalagaan ang pangkalahatang kapakanan ng tao. Samakatuwid, nasa diwa rin ng batas ang paggalang sa publikong autonomiya.

Sa batas na laging may dalawang mukhang bumabaling sa pribado at publikong autonomiya, paano ito natatamo? Kung ang modernong batas ay laging isinaalang-alang ang kalayaan ng bawat kasapi sa lipunan sabay ang mismong kolektibong kapakanan ng mga tao, ano ang batayan upang tiyaking nasa tensyon ng dalawang sukdulan ang pagsasagawa ng batas at pagpapatupad ng batas? Ito ang papel ng deliberatibong pulitika ni Jürgen Habermas.

Deliberatibong Pulitika At Paghubog ng Opinyon

Kung hahanapin ang kondisyon na pinanggalingan ng batas, maliwanag na makikita ito sa lehislatibong pamumulitika, isang bahagi lamang ng masalimuot at malawak na larangan ng prosesong pulitikal. Ayon kay Habermas, ang pulitika ng pagsasabatas ay dapat sumusunod sa patakaran ng malayang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro upang maiugat ang mga nalilikhang batas sa deliberasyon ng rason at pagtitimbang ng iba’t ibang pananaw. "Tiyak na ang mga patakaran lamang na dumaan sa deliberasyon ang masasabing tunay at lehitimo kung ang mga nagkakasundo ang mga apektadong tao na bahagi sila ng proseso ng deliberasyon" (BFN, 107). Ibinabatay ang pagka-lehitimo ng batas sa prinsipyo ng deliberasyon upang maiwasan ang isang moralistikong interpretasyon ng at pagbibigay diin sa pribadong autonomiya o pagpapalagay ng karapatang pantao. Nais ni Habermas na iwasan ang pagkukulang ng ibang teorya ng pulitika at batas na nakabatay sa bigat ng mga palagay ontolohikal, at sa halip iniuuwi niya ang batayan sa mismong proseso ng deliberasyon. Sa pamamagitan ng deliberasyon, inuugnay niya at nilalampasan ang pananaw ng liberalismo at ng republikanismo. "Kinukuha ng teorya ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ang mga elementong nanggagaling sa dalawang panig at pinagsasanib ito sa konsepto ng isang ideyal na proseso para sa deliberasyon at pagpapasya" (BFN, 296).

Ano ba ang nangyayari sa deliberatibong pulitika? At ano ang mga hinihingi ng ganitong proseso upang makamtan ang pagsasabatas ng makatarungan at lehitimong batas o polisiya? Una, sa liwanag ng tensyon sa pagitan ng pribadong autonomiya at publikong autonomiya, nangangailangan ng isang katipunan ng abstraktong karapatan na kilalanin ng mga mamamayang nagnanais na isailalim ang kanilang buhay sa isang lehitimong batas. Ang mga abstraktong karapatan ang magiging isang sistema ng mga karapatan na kinikilala ng bawat isang malayang kasapi ng lipunan bilang bukal ng pagkakasundo at pakikipagkapwa-tao (BFN, 409). Itong mga karapatan ang magtatakda ng mga pangkalahatang kalagayan na karapatdapat upang itatag ang mga prosesong demokratiko ng deliberasyon ukol sa mga batas at sa pulitika. Kaya, kailangan munang ihanda ang angkop na kalagayan na ginagawang posible ang mismong deliberasyon pulitikal.

Hinati ni Habermas sa limang mahahalagang karapatan itong nararapat na kalagayan: (1) ang batayang karapatan ng pagkapantay-pantay; (2) ang karapatang makibahagi sa pangkat; (3) ang karapatan sa isang makatarungan proseso (BFN, 122). Itong tatlo ang nangangalaga sa pribadong autonomiya ng bawat isa. Binibigyang diin nito ang kalayaan ng bawat isa, na pantay rin sa kalayaan ng iba, upang magpasya ukol sa personal na hinahanap na tagumpay at kaligayahan.

Sa kabilang banda, kailangan rin ang karapatan na nangangalaga sa publikong autonomiya. Ito ay ang (4) karapatang makibahagi sa pulitika (BFN, 127). Binibigyang diin ni Habermas na ang publikong autonomiya at pribadong autonomiya ay kinakailangan sa lahat ng pagkakataon sa deliberatibong pulitika. Hindi maaring lamunin ng kolektibong papapasya ang kalayaan ng indibidwal, gayundin, hindi maaring mangibabaw ang indibidwal na pagpapasya upang apakan ang pangkalahatang kapakanan.

Kung wala ang unang tatlong karapatan, maglalaho ang pribadong autonomiya. Ibig sabihin kalayaan ang mga mamayang nasa ilalim ng batas ay pumapangalawa lamang sa pangkalahatang kapakanan. Nagiging isang hungkag batas sa liwanag pagka-maaring-tanggapin ng mga malayang mamamayan. Ngunit kung wala naman ang mamamayan ang karapatang makibahagi sa larangan ng pulitika, lalabas na ang kalayaan ng bawat kasapi ay isang "maka-machong" pagpapataw ng kapritso sa halip na pagpapakita ng kakayahang pamahalaan nila ang patutunguhan na kanilang sama-samang pamumuhay sa isang matinong paraan.

Ang karapatang makibahagi sa pulitika ang nagbibigay sa mamamayan na hubugin at palaguin pa ang karapatang kanilang tinatamasa bilang mga malayang mamamayan na may pribadong autonomiya. Samakatuwid nagiging mambabatas ang mamayan sa pakikisangkot sa deliberatibong pulitika, na kung tutuusin, sila rin mismo ang sasailalim sa mga batas na malilikha.

Ngunit hindi lamang hanggang sa pakikibahagi sa pulitika ang karapatan. Ang (5) karapatan sa panlipunang pagkawanggawa ang ikalima na tumutugon upang maisasagawa ang nauunang apat na karapatan (BFN, 123). Ito ang karapatan na nagtitiyak na ang mga mamamayan ay may sapat na batayang pangangailangang materyal upang maging mabisa, magaling at mainam ang kanilang malayang pagkilos at pakikisangkot. Tunay ngang hindi maaring makisangkot ng lubusan sa deliberasyon o sa protesta ang isang taong gutom. Hindi nga mahahanap ng taong malaya ang kanyang tagumpay kung wala siyang sapat na tirahan at walang sapat na kita upang tustusan ang pang-aaraw-araw na buhay at pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro.

Ang mga karapatang nabanggit ay mga pangangailangan upang mapangalagaan ang malayang pagpapalitan ng mga mamamayan. Ngunit hindi pa pumapasok doon ang papel ng poder ng pamahalaan na mayroong sangkap (pulis) upang ipatupad at panatilihin ang sistema ng karapatan. Ito ang isa pang pag-usad ng palitan ng kuro-kuro mula sa larangan ng mga mamamayan tungo sa larangan ng institusyon at mga balangkas panlipunan.

Ayon kay Habermas, ang pagpasok ng institusyon at balangkas panlipunan ay nangangailangan ng isang malinaw na prosesong demokratiko. Ang batas na ipinapatupad ng pamahalaan ay dapat kinikilala ng mamamayan bilang lehitimo at katanggap-tanggap sa pamamagitan ng malawak na pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ng mamamayan at kanilang mga kinatawan. Isinaalang-alang ng proseso ng pagpapalitan ang paghubog ng mga opinyong pulitikal at "loob" ng mga mamamayan (BFN, 159). Samakatuwid, ang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro o ang deliberasyong publiko ay hindi lamang isang intelektwal na diskurso ng mga pulitiko, kundi isang paggamit ng kakayahan ng rason, ng isip, ng debate na nanggagaling sa pagpapahalaga, interes at pagkatao ng mamamayan.

Dito makikita ang buhay ng demokrasya sa isang mainam na pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro upang hubugin ang isang panukala. Kaya, "nanahanan sa patakaran ng deliberatibong pulitika ang pinakasentrong elemento ng prosesong demokratiko" (BFN, 296) Sa pamamagitan ng deliberatibong pulitika, pinagsasama-sama ng mga mamamayan sa isang "palayok" ang kayamanan ng kanilang pagmumuni-muni at pag-iisip upang bumuo ng isang mas bukas na pananaw, mahalagang panukala o matatag na opinyon. Bumubukal mula sa "palayok" na ito ang kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon na mayroong napakalakas na dating sa mga pormal na pagpapasya sa Kongreso man o sa Malacanang. Naisasalin mula sa mabisang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ang "kalooban" ng mga mamayan upang maging isang kalooban pulitikal (political will), maging isang pasyang pulitikal, hindi lamang sa panahon ng halalan.

Kaya, ang demokratikong lipunan ay nakabatay sa antas ng deliberasyong nangyayari sa mula sa di-pormal na larangan hanggang sa institusyon at pagsasabatas. Ang layunin lagi ng deliberasyon ay ang paghantong sa isang pagkakaunawaan ng mga mamamayan, isang kalagayang maging posible ang pakikipagkapwa-tao upang hanapin ng bawat isa ang personal na tagumpay at kaligayahan, samakatuwid, magpakatao. "Hinihingi ng teorya ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ang mas mataas na antas ng pakikipagkapuwatao sa mga proseso ng pagkakaunawaan na nangyayari sa pamamagitan ng mga patakarang demokratiko o ang sapot ng komunikasyon sa loob ng publikong larangan" (BFN, 299). Ang deliberatibong pulitika ang hantungan ng masalimuot na paghubog ng opinyon at indibidwal na kalooban. Nakikita at nararamdaman ng ang tunay na pulso ng mamamayan, ng bayan sa prosesong ito.

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Ibibigay ko sa mga susunod na mga linggo ang ibang sanaysay tungkol sa MOA-AD at ang usaping autonomiya.

Joint Peace Statement of JOM on the Cessation of Hostilities in North Cotabato

Joint Peace Statement of JOM on the Cessation of Hostilities in North Cotabato

We, the Administrators, Personnel and Students of the Jesuit, Oblate of Mary Immaculate and Marist Brothers' Educational Institutions in Mindanao are in solidarity with the aspirations of our people for peace and unity to reign among the conflicting groups in our region. We stand for a peaceful and united Central Mindanao.

We earnestly appeal for the cessation of hostilities as we are greatly concerned over the aggravating armed conflict between the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) resulting in senseless killing and massive evacuation that inflict indelible fear and trauma among the civilians, particularly innocent children.

We desire to convey to the involved parties the terrible plight of our internally displaced persons (IDPs) who suffer from loss of property and economic insecurity that would imminently lead to starvation and infirmity. The daily increase of IDPs is quite alarming and to date, the record shows more than 150,000 have already been displaced. Should the situation worsen, it is certain that the number of IDPs will unmanageably escalate.

The peoples of Central Mindanao are laden with the heavy yoke of unstable peace and order condition and man-made calamities from which they have not fully recovered yet. The present hostilities certainly are a hard blow to the already weakened people. Thus, we call on the civic, religious and all peace-oriented organizations to evaluate objectively the situation in order to appropriately address the issues.

We urge the AFP and the MILF to lay down their arms, renounce any act of hostility and reopen avenues for dialogue and partnership. We urge them to continue to work for authentic and lasting peace in order to improve the conditions of the very peoples whose lives and interests they have both sworn to protect and uphold.

We, the Jesuit, Oblate of Mary Immaculate and the Marist Brothers' Educational Institutions in Mindanao, pledge our continuing commitment to peace-building through intercultural and interreligious dialogues and active nonviolent means.

Ateneo de Davao University, Davao City
Ateneo de Zamboanga University, Zamboanga City
Notre Dame of Dadiangas University, General Santos City
Notre Dame of Kidapawan College, Kidapawan City
Notre Dame of Jolo College, Jolo, Sulu
Notre Dame of Marbel University, Koronadal City
Notre Dame of Midsayap College, Midsayap, Cotabato
Notre Dame University, Cotabato City
Xavier University-Ateneo de Cagayan, Cagayan de Oro City

14 August 2008

Melons

See the Fiesta Album Here.
Photos are downloadable in various resolutions under license
from Creative Commons.

Photos of Fiesta 2008

See the Fiesta Album Here.
Photos are downloadable in various resoultions under license
from Creative Commons.

MC310 Class: Choosing a Model (Text)

Photo: Ayi Ola; Model: Muchy Lavina

Kindly photocopy the class reading materials (get original from my office), 9 pages:

TOPIC: Choosing a Model

(1) Your First Model
(2) Test Shots
(3) Types of Models
(4) Model/ Photographer Relationship
(5) Assessing the Model
(a) From the Front
(b) From the Side
(c) From Behind
(6) Posing
(7) Shape, Pattern, Texture and Color

Beach Photoshoot

Start:	Aug 31, '08 06:00a
End:	Aug 31, '08 5:00p
Location:	University Samal Campus, San Jose, Penaplata (near Pearl Farm)

Each group will be composed of 3-4 students. Models of each group will be the responsibility of group members. The signed MOA and Model Release Forms must be submitted to the teacher at least 3 days before the shoot (Aug 21, 2008). Groups will take care of their model's transportation and food. There will be at least two professional photographers assisting the class in the in situ shoot.

Location: Ateneo de Davao University - Samal Campus
Date: 31 August 2008
Time: 6:30 AM - 5:00PM

Meeting Place: Jacinto Campus, 615AM, 31 August 2008

What to bring:

(1) Camera/ Flash/ Tripod/ Battery Pack/ Battery Charger
(2) Camera Bags/ Plastic Bags
(3) First Aid Kit/ Pain reliever medicines/ antiasthma/ antiallergy, etc.
(4) Umbrellas, hats and caps
(5) Photo Props/ Make Up Kits/ Clothes
(6) Towels and "malong" or mattress (take note there are no furnitures nor chairs there)
(7) Drinking Water/ Other Drinks or Coleman container with ice
(8) Packed Lunch (make sure it's enough for you and your model, you need more energy since you will be shooting (moving around) for many hours)
(9) Snacks (AM and PM)
(10) Light Reflectors and Diffusers
(11) Off Lotion - (Anti-Dengue)
(12) Life vest (optional, hehe)
(13) Mobile Phone
(14) Tent (optional)

Please charge your batteries the night before (for camera and phone). Make sure you have downloaded your images from your card to your PCs. Photographer will have to pay for their own models' transportation, food, etc. No other persons, except the models and photographers of MC310 class, are allowed to join this activity without the explicit permission of the teacher. The guards at the location will not allow anybody to enter the premises without any ADDU identification card and permission of University officials. Take note, this is a private photoshoot.

If you have other concerns, please email me at jse[at]addu.edu.ph or call (82) 221.2411 local 8253.

MOA On Ancestral Domain Aspect (Full Text)

Many people are apprehensive about the this controversial MOA. First, availability of this full text was scant. This led to suspicions and other assumptions. I got hold of the MOA last Saturday, barely I was able to read everything. Anyway, while I am studying the provisions of this MOA, it will be better to share with you also this sought-after document. Hopefully, this will stir rational discourse. - Bong

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IN THE NAME OF GOD
THE BENEFICENT, THE MERCIFUL

MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT ON THE ANCESTRAL DOMAIN ASPECT OF THE GRP-MILF TRIPOLI AGREEMENT ON PEACE OF 2001

The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) herein referred to as the “Parties” to this Agreement,

TERMS OF REFERENCE

The Agreement for General Cessation of Hostilities dated July 18, 1997 Between the GRP and the MILF, and its Implementing Administrative and Operational Guidelines;

The General Framework of Agreement of Intent Between the GRP and the MILF dated August 27, 1998;

The Agreement on the General Framework for the Resumption of Peace Talks Between the GRP and the MILF dated March 24, 2001;

The Tripoli Agreement on Peace Between the GRP and the MILF dated June 22, 2001;

The Tripoli Agreement Between the GRP and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) dated December 23, 1976 and the Final Agreement on the Implementation of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement Between the GRP and the MNLF dated September 2, 1996;

Republic Act No. 6734, as amended by R.A. 9054, otherwise known as “An Act to Strengthen and Expand the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)”;

ILO Convention No. 169, in correlation to the UN Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples, and Republic Act No. 8371 otherwise known as the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997, the UN Charter, the UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights, International Humanitarian Law (IHL), and internationally recognized human rights instruments; and

Compact rights entrenchment emanating from the regime of dar-ul-mua’hada (or territory under compact) and dar-ul-sulh (or territory under peace agreement) that partakes the nature of a treaty device. For the purpose of this Agreement, a “treaty” is defined as any solemn agreement in writing that sets out understandings, obligations, and benefits for both parties which provides for a framework that elaborates the principles declared in the Agreement.

HAVE AGREED AND ACKNOWLEDGED AS FOLLOWS:

CONCEPTS AND PRINCIPLES

It is the birthright of all Moros and all Indigenous peoples of Mindanao to identify themselves and be accepted as “Bangsamoros”. The Bangsamoro people refers to those who are natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and its adjacent islands including Palawan and the Sulu archipelago at the time of conquest or colonization and their descendants whether mixed or of full native blood. Spouses and their descendants are classified as Bangsamoro. The freedom of choice of the Indigenous people shall be respected.

It is essential to lay the foundation of the Bangsamoro homeland in order to address the Bangsamoro people’s humanitarian and economic needs as well as their political aspirations. Such territorial jurisdictions and geographic areas being the natural wealth and patrimony represent the social, cultural and political identity and pride of all the Bangsamoro people. Ownership of the homeland is vested exclusively in them by virtue of their prior rights of occupation that had inhered in them as sizeable bodies of people, delimited by their ancestors since time immemorial, and being the first politically organized dominant occupants.

Both Parties acknowledge that ancestral domain does not form part of the public domain but encompasses ancestral, communal, and customary lands, maritime, fluvial and alluvial domains as well as all natural resources therein that have inured or vested ancestral rights on the basis of native title. Ancestral domain and ancestral land refer to those held under claim of ownership, occupied or possessed, by themselves or through the ancestors of the Bangsamoro people, communally or individually since time immemorial continuously to the present, except when prevented by war, civil disturbance, force majeure, or other forms of possible usurpation or displacement by force, deceit, stealth, or as a consequence of government project or any other voluntary dealings entered into by the government and private individuals, corporate entities or institutions.

Both Parties acknowledge that the right to self-governance of the Bangsamoro people is rooted on ancestral territoriality exercised originally under the suzerain authority of their sultanates and the Pat a Pangampong ku Ranaw. The Moro sultanates were states or karajaan/kadatuan resembling a body politic endowed with all the elements of nation-state in the modern sense. As a domestic community distinct from the rest of the national communities, they have a definite historic homeland. They are the “First Nation” with defined territory and with a system of government having entered into treaties of amity and commerce with foreign nations. The Parties concede that the ultimate objective of entrenching the Bangsamoro homeland as a territorial space is to secure their identity and posterity, to protect their property rights and resources as well as to establish a system of governance suitable and acceptable to them as a distinct dominant people.

Both Parties affirm their commitment to mutually respect the right to one’s identity and the parity of esteem of everyone in the political community. The protection of civil rights and religious liberties of individuals underlie the basis of peace and justice of their totality of relationships.

Both Parties agree that the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) shall have the authority and jurisdiction over the Ancestral Domain and Ancestral lands, including both alienable and non-alienable lands encompassed within their homeland and ancestral territory, as well as the delineation of ancestral domain/lands of the Bangsamoro people located therein.

Vested property rights upon the entrenchment of the BJE shall be recognized and respected subject to paragraph 9 of the strand on Resources.

TERRITORY

The Bangsamoro homeland and historic territory refer to the land mass as well as the maritime, terrestrial, fluvial and alluvial domains, and the aerial domain, the atmospheric space above it, embracing the Mindanao-Sulu-Palawan geographic region. However, delimitations are contained in the agreed Schedules (Categories).

Toward this end, the Parties enter into the following stipulations:

The GRP and MILF as the Parties to this Agreement commit themselves to the full and mutual implementation of this framework agreement on territory with the aim of resolving outstanding issues that emanate from the consensus points on Ancestral Domain.

The Parties confirm their understanding that the mutual goal of reaching an agreement on Bangsamoro territory specific to mapping the outlying borders and the boundaries affecting local government units will lead to consolidation of the agreed texts on the Ancestral Domain Strands.

The Parties affirm that the core of the BJE shall constitute the present geographic area of the ARMM, including the municipalities of Baloi, Munai, Nunungan, Pantar, Tagoloan and Tangkal in the province of Lanao del Norte that voted for inclusion in the ARMM during the 2001 plebiscite.

Without derogating from the requirements of prior agreements, the Government stipulates to conduct and deliver, using all possible legal measures, within twelve (12) months following the signing of the MOA-AD, a plebiscite covering the areas as enumerated in the list and depicted in the map as Category A attached herein (the “Annex”). The Annex constitutes an integral part of this framework agreement. Toward this end, the Parties shall endeavour to complete the negotiations and resolve all outstanding issues on the Comprehensive Compact within fifteen (15) months from the signing of the MOA-AD.

The areas covered by Category B are reflected on a map and list attached herein as agreed to by the Parties. Category B (the “Special Intervention Areas”) refers to conflict affected areas outside the BJE which shall be the subject of special socio-economic and cultural affirmative action implemented by the Central Government pending the conduct of a plebiscite not earlier than twenty-five (25) years from the signing of the Comprehensive Compact to determine the question of their accession to the BJE. The areas reflected are subject to further negotiations by the Parties. The Annex constitutes an integral part of this framework agreement.

Internal Waters:
The BJE shall have jurisdiction over the management, conservation, development, protection, utilization and disposition of all natural resources, living and non-living, within its internal waters extending fifteen (15) kilometers from the coastline of the BJE area.

Territorial Waters:
(1) The territorial waters of the BJE shall stretch beyond the BJE internal waters up to the Republic of the Philippines (RP) baselines south east and south west of mainland Mindanao. Beyond the fifteen (15) kilometers internal waters, the Central Government and the BJE shall exercise joint jurisdiction, authority and management over areas and all natural resources, living and non-living contained therein. The details of such management of the Territorial Waters shall be provided in an agreement to be entered into by the Parties.

(2) The boundaries of the territorial waters shall stretch beyond the 15-km. BJE internal waters up to the Central Government’s baselines under existing laws. In the southern and eastern part of the BJE, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from the Maguling Point, Palimbang, Province of Sultan Kudarat up to the straight baselines of the Philippines. On the northwestern part, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from Little Sta. Cruz Island, Zamboanga City, up to Naris Point, Bataraza, Palawan. On the western part of Palawan, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from the boundary of Bataraza and Rizal up to the straight baselines of the Philippines.

The final demarcation shall be determined by a joint technical body composed of duly-designated representatives of both Parties, in coordination with the appropriate Central Government agency in accordance with the above guidelines.

Sharing of Minerals on Territorial Waters:
Consistent with paragraphs 5 and 6 of the provisions on Resources, all potential sources of energy, petroleum in situ, hydrocarbon, natural gas and other minerals, including deposits or fields found within the territorial waters, shall be shared between the Central Government and the BJE in favor of the latter through production sharing agreement or economic cooperation agreement.

Activities Allowed on Territorial Waters:
(1) The Parties shall have authority to carry out the following activities within the territorial waters:
(a) Exploration and utilization of the natural resources, whether living or non-living, within the territorial waters;
(b) Establishment and use of artificial islands, installations and structures;
(c) Marine scientific research;
(d) Protection and the preservation of the marine environment;
(e) Conservation of living resources;
(f) Regulation of shipping and fishing activities;
(g) Enforcement of police and safety measures, including interdiction of the entry and use of the waters by criminal elements and hot pursuit of suspected criminal elements;
(h) Regulation and control of contraband and illegal entry of prohibited materials and substances, including smuggling; and
(i) Such other measures as the Parties may otherwise mutually agree.

(2) Activities relating to exploration and utilization of non-living resources, as well as paragraphs (c) and (d) of the Authorized Activities will be carried out on a joint basis agreed by the Parties which may be in the form of production sharing agreements or joint development pacts.

Establishment of a Joint Commission:
(1) The Parties shall establish a Joint Commission, which shall elaborate the modalities for the implementation and the carrying out of the Authorized Activities and the measures adopted in cases of allegation of breach, and carry out any other functions which may be assigned to it by the Parties for the purpose of implementing the joint management of resources.

(2) The Joint Commission shall consist of one representative from each Party, who are assisted by advisers as may be needed. The conclusions of the Joint Commission shall be adopted by consensus and shall only be recommendatory in nature. Only when the conclusions of the Joint Commission are adopted by the Parties do they become binding on the Parties.

Demarcation and Status of Territorial Waters:
The demarcation and status of the BJE territorial waters shall be finally determined together with the demarcation and final status of Category B territory of the BJE.

From and after entrenchment of compact rights over the Bangsamoro homeland and the territorial jurisdictions for associative governance shall likewise embrace those under proclamation for agricultural and human settlements intended for the Bangsamoro people, all alienable and disposable lands, pasture lands, timberlands together with all existing civil and military reservations, parks, old growth or natural forests declared as forest reserves, watersheds, mangroves, fishponds, wetlands, marshes, inland bodies of water; and all bays, straits and channels found within the BJE.

All territorial and geographic areas in Mindanao and its adjacent islands including Palawan, and the Sulu archipelago that have been declared recognized, and/or delineated as ancestral domain and ancestral land of the Bangsamoro people as their geographic areas, inclusive of settlements and reservations, may be formed or constituted into political subdivisions of the Bangsamoro territorial jurisdictions subject to the principles of equality of peoples and mutual respect and to the protection of civil, political, economic, and cultural rights in their respective jurisdictions.

For purposes of territorial delimitation, the Parties have agreed to the joint determination of geographic areas encompassed within the territorial borders of the Bangsamoro homeland and territory based on the technical maps and data submitted by both sides as provided above.

RESOURCES

The BJE is empowered with authority and responsibility for the land use, development, conservation and disposition of the natural resources within the homeland. Upon entrenchment of the BJE, the land tenure and use of such resources and wealth must reinforce their economic self-sufficiency. Among the purposes or measures to make progress more rapid are:

Entry into joint development, utilization, and exploitation of natural resources designed as commons or shared resources, which is tied up to the full setting of appropriate institution, particularly affecting strategic minerals;

Stimulation of local economy by a range of mechanism, in particular the need to address unemployment and improvement of living conditions for the population in the BJE;

Intensification of measures needed to uproot the cause of poverty in the BJE through responsible harnessing and development of its natural resources; and

Undertaking program review of public services, industrial or trade-related and agrarian-related issues in situations of different sectors of the society in the BJE, which acquire communal character deriving from the special nature of their industry.

The Bangsamoro People through their appropriate juridical entity shall, among others, exercise power or authority over the natural resources within its territorial jurisdiction:

To explore, exploit, use or utilize and develop their ancestral domain and ancestral lands within their territorial jurisdiction, inclusive of their right of occupation, possession, conservation, and exploitation of all natural resources found therein;

To conserve and protect the human and natural environment for their sustainable and beneficial enjoyment and their posterity;

To utilize, develop, and exploit its natural resources found in their ancestral domain or enter into a joint development, utilization, and exploitation of natural resources, specifically on strategic minerals, designed as commons or shared resources, which is tied up to the final setting of appropriate institution;

To revoke or grant forest concessions, timber license, contracts or agreements in the utilization and exploitation of natural resources designated as commons or shared resources, mechanisms for economic cooperation with respect to strategic minerals, falling within the territorial jurisdiction of the BJE;

To enact agrarian laws and programs suitable to the special circumstances of the Bangsamoro people prevailing in their ancestral lands within the established territorial boundaries of the Bangsamoro homeland and ancestral territory within the competence of the BJE; and

To use such natural resources and wealth to reinforce their economic self-sufficiency.

The BJE, and the Central Government agree on wealth-sharing based on a mutually agreed percentage ratio in favor of the BJE through an economic cooperation agreement or arrangement over the income and revenues that are derived from the exploration, exploitation, use and development of any resources for the benefit of the Bangsamoro people.

The BJE is free to enter into any economic cooperation and trade relations with foreign countries: provided, however, that such relationships and understandings do not include aggression against the Government of the Republic of the Philippines; provided, further that it shall remain the duty and obligation of the Central Government to take charge of external defense. Without prejudice to the right of the Bangsamoro juridical entity to enter into agreement and environmental cooperation with any friendly country affecting its jurisdiction, it shall include:

The option to establish and open Bangsamoro trade missions in foreign countries with which it has economic cooperation agreements; and

The elements bearing in mind the mutual benefits derived from Philippine archipelagic status and security.

And, in furtherance thereto, the Central Government shall take necessary steps to ensure the BJE’s participation in international meetings and events, e.g. ASEAN meetings and other specialized agencies of the United Nations. This shall entitle the BJE’s participation in Philippine official missions and delegations that are engaged in the negotiation of border agreements or protocols for environmental protection, equitable sharing of incomes and revenues, in the areas of sea, seabed and inland seas or bodies of water adjacent to or between islands forming part of the ancestral domain, in addition to those of fishing rights.

Jurisdiction and control over, and the right of exploring for, exploiting, producing and obtaining all potential sources of energy, petroleum, in situ, fossil fuel, mineral oil and natural gas, whether onshore or offshore, is vested in the BJE as the party having control within its territorial jurisdiction, provided that in times of national emergency, when public interest so requires, the Central Government may, during the emergency, for a fixed period and under reasonable terms as may be agreed by both Parties, temporarily assume or direct the operations of such strategic resources.

The BJE take or profit split from total production shall be shared with the Central Government on a percentage ratio of 75:25 in favor of the BJE. All royalties, bonuses, taxes, charges, custom duties or imposts on natural resources and mineral resources shall be shared by the Parties on a percentage ratio of 75:25 in favor of the BJE.

The legitimate grievances of the Bangsamoro people arising from any unjust dispossession of their territorial and proprietary rights, customary land tenures, or their marginalization shall be acknowledged. Whenever restoration is no longer possible, the GRP shall take effective measures or adequate reparation collectively beneficial to the Bangsamoro people, in such quality, quantity and status to be determined mutually by both Parties.

All proclamations, issuances, policies, rules and guidelines declaring old growth or natural forests and all watersheds within the BJE as forest reserves shall continue to remain in force until otherwise modified, revised or superseded by subsequent policies, rules and regulations issued by the competent authority under the BJE.

Forest concessions, timber licenses, contracts or agreements, mining concessions, Mineral Production and Sharing Agreements (MPSA), Industrial Forest Management Agreements (IFMA), and other land tenure instruments of any kind or nature whatsoever granted by the Philippine Government including those issued by the present ARMM shall continue to operate from the date of formal entrenchment of the BJE unless otherwise expired, reviewed, modified and/or cancelled by the latter.

The Parties recognize an immediate need to establish a five-member BJE economic-expert mission (the “Mission”) bearing in mind that the functioning of the economy and the operation of institutions involve financial and other resource management as well as parallel or complementary means, by which the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA) will manage and administer resources acquired for the above purposes, especially in coordinating strategies and programs for cooperation in all fields.

The Mission acts as a link in the conduct of BJE’s associative parallel relationships and shall cooperate fully with all organizations involved in implementation of the peace settlement. It shall launch a plan and joint international appeal for the reparation and development of the conflict affected areas in Mindanao. Persons appointed thereto must be familiar with the specific economic, political and legal characteristics in the Mindanao-Sulu-Palawan region and must possess recognized competence, integrity, and high moral standing.

Cognizant that the Mission will benefit from international expertise, both the Central Government and the BJE hereby join the Third Party facilitator in inviting international funding institutions or equivalent entities for reconstruction and development to appoint two members and to designate one as the Chairman. The BJE shall designate one member as Co-Chairman. The remaining two members shall each be designated by the Central Government and the BJE.

GOVERNANCE

The recognition and peaceful resolution of the conflict must involve consultations with the Bangsamoro people free of any imposition in order to provide chances of success and open new formulas that permanently respond to the aspirations of the Bangsamoro people.

The ultimate objective of entrenching the Bangsamoro homeland as a territorial space is to secure their identity and posterity, to protect their property rights and resources as well as to establish a system of governance suitable and acceptable to them as a distinct dominant people. The Parties respect the freedom of choice of the indigenous peoples.

The Parties agree to invite a multinational third - party to observe and monitor the actual implementation of the comprehensive compact which will embody the details for the effective enforcement of this Agreement. The participation of the third – party shall not in any way affect the status of the relationship between the Central Government and the BJE.

The relationship between the Central Government and the BJE shall be associative characterized by shared authority and responsibility with a structure of governance based on executive, legislative, judicial and administrative institutions with defined powers and functions in the Comprehensive Compact. A period of transition shall be established in a Comprehensive Compact specifying the relationship between the Central Government and the BJE.

In the context of implementing prior and incremental agreements between the GRP and MILF, it is the joint understanding of the Parties that the term “entrenchment” means, for the purposes of giving effect to this transitory provision, the creation of a process of institution building to exercise shared authority over territory and defined functions of associative character.

The modalities for the governance intended to settle the outstanding negotiated political issues are deferred after the signing of the MOA-AD.

The establishment of institutions for governance in a Comprehensive Compact, together with its modalities during the transition period, shall be fully entrenched and established in the basic law of the BJE. The Parties shall faithfully comply with their commitment to the associative arrangements upon entry into force of the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties agree that the mechanisms and modalities for the actual implementation of this MOA-AD shall be spelt out in the Comprehensive Compact to mutually take such steps to enable it to occur effectively.

Any provisions of the MOA-AD requiring amendments to the existing legal framework shall come into force upon signing of a Comprehensive Compact and upon effecting the necessary changes to the legal framework with due regard to non derogation of prior agreements and within the stipulated timeframe to be contained in the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties agree that the BJE shall be empowered to build, develop and maintain its own institutions, inclusive of, civil service, electoral, financial and banking, education, legislation, legal, economic, and police and internal security force, judicial system and correctional institutions, necessary for developing a progressive Bangsamoro society, the details of which shall be discussed in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties further agree to undertake activities which will enhance the capacity of the government institutions during the transition through technical assistance, information-sharing and human resource development.

Matters concerning the details of the agreed consensus points on Governance not covered under this Agreement shall be deferred to, and discussed during, the negotiations of the Comprehensive Compact.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the undersigned, being the representatives of the Parties hereby affix their signatures.

Done this 5th day of August, 2008 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

FOR THE GRP:

(SGD) RODOLFO C. GARCIA
Chairman
GRP Peace Negotiating Panel

FOR THE MILF:

(SGD) MOHAGHER IQBAL
Chairman
MILF Peace Negotiating Panel

WITNESSED BY:

(SGD) DATUK OTHMAN BIN ABD RAZAK
Special Adviser to the Prime Minister

IN THE PRESENCE OF:

(SGD) ALBERTO G. ROMULO
Secretary of Foreign Affairs
Republic of the Philippines

(SGD) DATO’ SERI UTAMA DR. RAIS
BIN YATIM
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Malaysia

Initialed by:

Sec. Rodolfo Garcia
Mohagher Iqbal
Sec. Hermogenes Esperon

Witnessed by:

Datuk Othman bin Abd Razak

Dated 27 July 2008

Update on Ms Tutor

According to the father and Tessa (a former student of mine), Ms. Merwin Shane R. Tutor was able to get home yesterday. We hope all is well with her. We expect to see her in the campus today.

For those who have helped us in disseminating the information, in behalf of the Ateneo community, our profound gratitude. Thank you for your bigh heart and concern.

Alert: Missing Student

MS. MERWIN SHANE R. TUTOR (BSN1), Section N8, first year college student has been reported missing by her father, Mr. Edwin M. Tutor last night. The Admissions Office and the FYDP made a phone barrage last night to all possible contacts of Shane, her classmates in various classes asking for information about her whereabouts. The father said that last Friday evening, Shane sent a message that she was on her way home. That was her last message.

Any information about her will be very much appreciated. I was able to talk to the father this noon, the family reported the case to the police and they planned to go to ABS-CBN this afternoon to appeal to the public for assistance in locating their daughter.

Contact Information:
Tutor Residence: (82) 282-0978; (82) 304-2159

Any information can be sent via SMART SMS to: ALERT [space] FEEDBACK [space] YOUR INFO, and send to 700ADDU or 7002338, or call (82) 221.2411.

Mary Grace

L.A. de Dios

Leah Joy O.

MC310 Class: Thursday Photoshoot

I and a couple of photographers will be shooting on Thursday evening, 7 August 2008, 6:00PM at the Freedom Park. Subject will be the Finster facade -- for the University Postcard. You are enjoined to come if you are available. We will probably shoot also from Marco Polo top floor - evening shots, slow shutter.

If you will join text me through Smart: BONG [space] FEEDBACK [space] YOUR MESSAGE, and send to 700ADDU.

Canon EOS 350D for Sale

Canon EOS 350D With Kit Lens (used for a year)
512 MB Card
Chager and Battery Pack
Camera Bag

P24,000; Contact Kids: 0906-3527880

Glamour Shoot of MC310 Class

Some selections of MC310 students, 1st Sem 2008-2009:

For MC310 Class: TFP Models

The following models will join our photoshoot this Saturday. Have extra MOA and Model Release forms handy for the shoot for other models aside from your own group's models. Another model will join also, but I am still confirming her schedule.


Mary Grace (Gay)




L.A.

Wanted TFP Models: MC310 Class

My photography class will have a photoshoot this Saturday, 2 August 2008, 1PM-5PM at 5th Floor (MC Lab/ Production Room) Finster Hall, Ateneo de Davao University. Interested models who want to have TFP sessions, please go to mc310bp.multiply.com and send PM.

Many photographers, models, makeup artists, and so forth do shoots on a “TFP” basis. Some do strictly TFP, some do a mix of TFP and pay shoots. What should you expect from a photographer who wants to shoot TFP? What exactly is TFP?

TFP stands for one or more of the following:

Time For Prints	Time For Portfolio
Trade For Prints	Trade For Portfolio

You will also see digital shooters use the phrase “TFCD” or “TFP/CD.” These mean:

Time/Trade for CD

Time/Trade for Prints/CD

Whatever the particular phrase the letters stand for, the basic idea is simple: In a TFP shoot, no money changes hands. The model doesn’t get an hourly or session fee, and the photographer doesn’t get an hourly fee, a session fee, or any pay for providing the model with prints and/or digital images (the “CD” part – usually the model gets a CD-R with her image selection burned onto it.) All participants are doing the shoot in hopes of getting good quality images for their portfolios, which they can use for self-promotion to get more, and hopefully paying, work.

TFP is usually the domain of amateur photographers and/or beginning models, although many pros will do a TFP shoot with an amateur model (or an amateur photographer) who can’t pay their usual rates but whose look or previous work the professional finds intriguing. That doesn’t mean that outstanding work can’t be produced at a TFP shoot: many amateur photographers are “amateurs” only in that photography is not how they pay their bills, and have talent and equipment equal to most professional photographers. Images obtained through TFP sessions are in many a model’s portfolio and have earned many a callback from an agency or pro shooter.

What a model should expect from a TFP shoot:

1) A friendly, professional demeanor from the photographer. Even if the photographer is an amateur, or a beginner, that’s no excuse for not treating the model as the valuable contributor to their work that she is.

2) Work that is a reasonable approximation of the photographer’s talent and expertise. TFP is not “second-class” photography and it should be of good quality.

3) A signed release specifying what the model is to receive as her compensation in the form of prints or digital images. This protects both the photographer and the model by making their rights and obligations clear to each other.

What a model should not expect from a TFP shoot:

1) Any money. That includes revenue from later sale or license of the photographs in most cases. Many photographers have a policy of giving the model some percentage of revenue from such sales or licenses, but unless the model is a pro and the photographer is not, this is not something the model usually demands. It is more in the nature of a pleasant bonus.

That being said, I would like to address a disturbing trend which has developed in the "Internet" modeling world and is starting to cross over into lower-budget print modeling: "Commercial TFP." This is where a client seeks a model (or a photographer) for advertising or other commercial usage but only wants to pay in "tears" and/or prints as opposed to compensation in money or at least in desirable products and services (it's quite common for models to get paid with a designer dress for walking the runway at Fashion Week, for instance, and while they're harder to spend than cash designer dresses are certainly not something to idly turn down.)

In my opinion, commercial use is not an appropriate venue for TFP because it's bad for models, and photographers, and makeup artists, et cetera, to give other people the means to make money from their work without getting money in return. Trade for portfolio, fine. Trade for art, fine. Trade, or work cheap, for an editorial tear, fine. But the line should be drawn at trading for commercial advertising use. It results in an inferior product and diminishes the overall power of models and photographers with relation to commercial clients.

If you're good enough to be in an ad, you're good enough to get paid. Now if a client has no budget to pay a model for an ad, I can sympathize, and I don't blame somebody for trying to get the best deal they can for themselves. But I don't have the money for a Lamborghini, and I suspect that this fact will be notably unhelpful if I try to use it as the justification as to why the dealer should give me one for free. Nor is "experience" or "exposure" a good reason to do commercial work. You need experience and exposure to get commercial work. Once you've got good enough to be in commercial work, it's reasonable to require some economic benefit for yourself in exchange for the economic benefit you provide.

2) Unlimited rights to the photographs. It is the law in most countries that photographs are the property of the photographer. The model may have the right to have some say in how they are used, but the photographer is the primary rights-holder. Most TFP releases provide that the model may only use the photographs for self-promotion and may not sell or relicense them. However, some models, especially models who are already under contract or hope to submit photographs to a specific user, will specify that certain uses (for example, print use of nude shots) are not allowed.

3) Unlimited prints. Prints, especially portfolio-quality prints, are not cheap. The photographer should offer a reasonable quantity, perhaps based on the total number of usable images captured. If the model wants more prints than are agreed upon before the shoot begins, she should expect to pay a reasonable price for them.

Probably the most common complaint about beginning models doing TFP is that they are unreliable and sometimes don’t show up for scheduled shoots. The usual reply to a complaint of this sort is that since the model’s not getting paid, she doesn’t have a real obligation to the photographer. This is, bluntly, wrong. The photographer has committed to the shoot. If they did not believe that they were going to have a shoot with that model at that time, they could have scheduled something else. A no-show model represents time and opportunity wasted, and both of those have a very real monetary value. Models with reputations for dependability get callbacks and referrals: models who don’t, don’t. The world of photography is surprisingly close-knit and it doesn’t take long at all for word to get around.

It is also important for the model to understand what will be expected of her at a shoot. This should be agreed to ahead of time and both photographer and model should honor the agreement. If the photographer specifies “figure studies,” expect to be asked to remove your clothes. f you told the photographer “no nude shots,” and they press you to undress, leave. If the session is going well and you are both comfortable with each other, you may jointly decide to “kick it up a notch” and do a lingerie shot, or an implied nude, or whatever you are both willing to do. There’s no harm in either party asking politely, once, and you shouldn’t be offended so long as the inquiry is polite. If it’s not polite, or if the photographer won’t drop the subject after you’ve made your limits clear, you should end the photo session.

MC310 Class: Photoshoot

Please come to class tomorrow. We will leave for field work/ photoshoot at 1:30 PM, 19 July 2008. Wear rubber shoes, jeans, bullcap, umbrella, and bring extra shirts, bottled water, camera bag and your PRESS ID. Do not forget to charge your camera battery packs.

*If you have asthma, bring your anti-asthma medicine. The cogon grass may trigger an asthma attach. =) Photos for this activity will be your prelim examination requirement. See you.

I Want to be a Good Catholic

I Want to be a Good Catholic
By Antonio Meloto
Theology Class Public Lecture
Ateneo de Manila University
July 1, 2008

There is a time to speak and a time to be silent. Tonight is the first time that I will speak publicly about the upheaval that rocked Couples for Christ.

For over a year, I chose to keep quiet out of respect for long cherished friendships and refrained from adding fuel to the fire while emotions were high. What was an internal leadership transition within an organization I felt should not have been made into a public issue and prudence should have been taken not to drag the Catholic Church into the conflict. I must admit that it was tempting at times for me to speak out and defend myself but I listened to the voice within my heart that kept telling me "keep still, I will defend those who defend the poor."

Now I understand how God shielded me by making me computer illiterate. The fight for control over CFC was being waged in the internet, while the struggle to ease human suffering was happening in the GK communities. During the most difficult moments, I went to the poor for consolation. It became clear to me that the poor are oftentimes the victim when there is conflict among leaders. When politicians fight, it is the poor who suffer. Ironically, when religious leaders fight it is also the poor who suffer, just like the CFC controversy where Gawad Kalinga became the central issue. My stand on this is clear; I will always be on the side of the poor. As a Christian, I believe that this is also the stand of Jesus. I have remained with CFC that is building the church of the poor.

As I turn the page to start a new chapter in my life, I want to make one thing clear. Contrary to allegations, I have not veered away from the Catholic Church and set aside my faith for social work. I have put my social work inside my faith.

In God's perfect plan he gave me the gift of being Filipino by virtue of birth and the privilege of being Catholic by baptism and choice. Both are absolute realities that I treasure. Being Filipino for me is a way of life that must be lived with honor. Being Catholic is a covenant of love that must be practiced, not just preached.

It is my personal conviction that I am not a good Catholic if I do not love my country or if I allow my countrymen to remain poor even if I live a devout and decent life. Within our context, where 85% of our population profess to be Catholic, faith and patriotism must go together to address the twin sisters of underdevelopment- poverty and corruption.

Bishop Francisco Claver, SJ., comments on the reluctance before of the Church to address this issue in his new book The Making of a Local Church. "Economics, so the charge went, is outside of the Church's competence. Not so much now. It is readily seen that if, faithful to Christ's concern for the least of his brothers and sisters, we must feed the hungry, teach the ignorant, heal the sick, we can and must do something about the causes, not just the symptoms, of their hunger, their ignorance, their sicknesses." When addressing corruption, which is a moral issue, the Church is also being accused by the powerful and those with vested interests "of meddling in politics."

Ordinary Catholics like myself can and must do something about politics and economics in the interest of the poor in order to build a nation.

Central to my being Catholic is Jesus' love for the poor. He saw the world through their eyes. His world-view was from the bottom up. His value system was always skewed in their favor- the last shall be first, the lowest shall be raised to the highest. The challenge for me is to care for them in a manner that will help them rise to their highest potential. My piety and pity alone will not save them; the squatters need land, not alms
justice, not dole-out. Without land, they cannot build homes or produce food. Without decent homes, they have no dreams. Without dreams, they have no desire to study or work. It is terribly unchristian for Filipinos to be squatters in a country where there is so much land in the possession of a few.

When a country like Vietnam, deemed godless by us, is able to reduce poverty from 60% to 15% in 20 years and produce surplus rice with technology coming from the Philippines and export to us, what message are we giving to the world? That we love the poor so much that we want them to remain poor and to produce more of their own kind? True love for the poor is redemptive and transformative, not condescending or patronizing or accepting that poverty is their destiny.

One interesting issue raised about me was that I was talking too much about nation-building when I should be preaching about Kingdom-building. For me, there is no dualism: nation-building is Kingdom-building. We need to make every Filipino passionate nation builders. Our country needs more builders, not just more preachers. The Jesus of history that I know, before he became the transcendent Christ to us, was a carpenter and the builder of both a physical and a spiritual kingdom. His disciples followed his example and built the early Christian communities where believers shared their resources with one another and no one was in need. This was the inspiration to start the first Gawad Kalinga village in Bagong Silang, Caloocan City. Building sustainable GK communities is about values as well as economics. It is also about politics. It is our antidote to corruption by promoting servant leadership. Our slogan for leaders is " Una sa serbisyo, huli sa
benepisyo" (First to serve, last to benefit).

Tonight we are joined by former gang members of Bagong Silang who have graduated from college including one of them who is now a nursing professor at the Far Eastern University. Together with them are other former out of school youth and delinquents from other GK sites who are representing their local parishes at the World Youth Day celebration in Sydney, Australia. They have shown to us what they can be if we do not give up on them. True Christianity is giving power to the powerless. It is about restoring human dignity and liberating God's people from begging and stealing.

Since our independence from America, we have become more mendicant and mercenary as a people while our biggest Asian neighbor, China, is hitting 11% growth and on its way to improving their quality of human life and reducing corruption. This is another case of a godless society practicing the values that we preach as Christians; seeking the collective good and protecting the interest of the many from the exploitation of the few. I do not approve of some of their means to attain their end- imposing abortion to achieve their one-child policy and curtailing human rights in particular- but I do admire their success in curbing human greed which is our greatest failure in our version of Christianity and democracy.

What happened to us?

At the heart of Christianity is social justice anchored on Jesus' love for the oppressed and the spirit of democracy is equality for all but looking at the vast social inequity in wealth and opportunity in our country clearly shows that we have been unfaithful to our core values and belief systems.

God is not about structures and rituals but about caring. Nation is not about politics but patriotism. Politics is competition for power; patriotism is giving up our lust for power, sharing our wealth and making heroic sacrifices for the weak to build our collective strength as a people.

Another concern raised about our spirituality for nation-building is our emphasis on heroism when the focus should be on holiness. I do not see how you can separate one from the other. To be holy in the Philippines is to be a hero for the poor. Given the influence of religion on us, we need a faith-based model as a blue-print for sustainable development. We find the feeding of 5000 people with 5 loaves of bread and 2 fishes as the gospel's version of the Bayanihan spirit, the Sermon on the Mount as the best template in building a just and caring society, and Jesus' passion on the cross as the ultimate act of self-giving and the best model for heroism to build a nation. In Gawad Kalinga, we call this brand of heroism padugo or bleeding for the cause- the passion to serve others out of love
without counting the cost and beyond self-interest.

A nation is built with sacrifice, not money. It is natural for us to sacrifice for people we care about; sadly, the poor who need it the most are not among them. What we need is a fundamental change in mind-set: the poor are our friends. They include the squatters on our land, the laborers in our farms, the helpers in our homes. It is only when we consider them as friends that we will gain divine favor and delivery from material and spiritual poverty as a nation.

"I no longer call you slaves but friends." This short line in scripture says it all: social justice is the path of faith and the way to peace.

Friendship is about being available to the people we care about. Poverty to me, complex as it is to others, is a simple case of absence and rejection. We have forgotten that Jesus' entire public ministry was a spirituality of presence; the son of God becoming flesh and blood, entering human history to leave behind a physical presence for all eternity. He left a trail of friends and witnesses to all His marvelous deeds, and many concrete examples for us to follow. In our lifetime we need to leave a trail of witnesses among the poor who will honestly testify- "he was our friend"- about us.

While Jesus preferred the company of the poor, he also dined with sinners; he was present to the innocent and the immoral alike
clearly, he came to save not to judge. Christianity, by his example, is a gospel of engagement, not judgment. It is a spirituality of acceptance, not rejection. His compassion towards the repentant tax collector liberated the heart of the corrupt public official from greed and released his money to the needy. Love, not condemnation, softens the heart, opens the pocket, spreads abundance, restores trust, and builds peace.

Pope Benedict showed us authentic Christian witnessing on his recent trip to the United States. He came to the biggest producer and distributor of contraceptives in the world not to condemn but to love. And America loved him back. He did not arrive in glory as the supreme leader of the most powerful church in the world but in humility to ask forgiveness for the sex abuses of the clergy. This simple act of humility had greater impact on me than all the sermons that I have heard in recent times. Despite the embarrassing nature of his visit, I've never been prouder to be Catholic.

My prayer today is for the Holy Father to come to the Philippines to ask forgiveness for our failure in social justice and for our hypocrisy in covering up or justifying our unfaithfulness. This for me is the symbolic act of humility needed to redeem a sinful nation and usher in a new season of grace.

Yes, we need to repent and reform rather than blame anyone for our collective sin against the nation. Our citizens are no longer fooled by scapegoats and excuses. Now that there is greater connectivity, they know what is happening and they are starting to demand accountability. The moment has come for us to stop pointing an accusing finger on anyone since we are all compromised. We need to change now
and do what is right.

Let me set this straight before I am taken out of context. There is nothing wrong with the social teachings of the church; there is only our failure to practice them, clergy and laity alike. I cannot speak for the clergy; they have their own accountability to their vows as I have mine to my oaths as a citizen and as a believer. Admittedly, I feel trivialized and embarrassed when people joke about the clergy. While the public demands the highest level of morality and witnessing from our moral icons, the most that I can say oftentimes to defend their lifestyle or to explain their indiscretion is that "they are also human." I know that it is hard for them as it is for me.

It was this cognizance of being human myself that made me join Couples for Christ in 1985. I needed a support environment to keep my vows as a husband and as a father in a world of philanderers and scoundrels.

I must admit that growing up male in a Third-world setting is definitely a challenge to the gender with the bigger ego and the more aggressive hormone. Ego without a mature conscience is power without honor; testosterone in a body without character is like keeping a fox inside a chicken coop. Without conscience and character, we are a danger to ourselves and to the world around us. The trusting innocent are particularly vulnerable to those in robes and other religious leaders.

Without exaggeration, the male in our society are weak because we have not been properly raised to be stewards. Many homes do not have fathers and our communities lack heroes. To compensate, women are forced to take on these roles even at the risk of abuse from emasculated partners.

In retrospect, Couples for Christ helped me grow a conscience and develop character without which I would have no credibility as head of my domestic church. It was a decision to find strength through discipleship and surrender of my ego to a greater power in the company of other fallen men. It is a lifetime process learning to detach from my wants and to be passionate about His will.

The demands of discipleship helped me discover the essence of real manhood: honor. In a country of cheaters, honesty is of the highest value. In the land of the corrupt, a man of integrity is king. To a follower of Christ like myself
weak and imperfect as I am
truth is the way to real power and freedom. The reward of taking this difficult path of honor for me is priceless- the affection of my wife and the respect of my children after 30 years of marriage and family life.

Building the church of the home however was just the first phase of the journey for me. For others, perhaps it is enough. Family renewal in my mind is not an end but foundational to the bigger mission- societal renewal and nation building. As development of conscience and character are vital to effective family governance, they are also cornerstones for good citizenship. Nation-building is about character-building.

Oftentimes we are not conscious that the higher collective good is sacrificed for self and kin. Family is the common and most acceptable excuse for greed in a society that prides and thrives on strong familial ties. Family demands the highest value because it is an extension of the self. The poor is not seen from the perspective of a relationship, either as family or friend, but as an object of charity or as a servant. So we give them alms and orders- not respect or affection that are only bestowed on those we love or people we consider important. Dona Victorina was outwardly religious, pious, and devout but she was also a matapobre according to Dr. Jose Rizal.

This is the heart of our problem as a Christian nation. We have not invested enough in building the church of the poor. We missed Jesus' point of view and wisdom when he spoke about leaving family as a condition for discipleship. The poor not only deserve our attention but investing in them will catalyze economic activities, create opportunities, and build a safer environment for our children. Our greatest asset, our biggest market- the poor – are just waiting to be mentored, empowered, and harnessed as our engine for growth. The stones that were rejected will become the cornerstone for nation-building.

Knowing this, how do we face the future as Catholics in a country of immense potential but mired in poverty of spirit and body?

My personal response is simple: Gawad Kalinga- the Filipino expression of integral evangelization that seeks to build good citizenship on earth as it is in heaven. Being Catholic is my choice that demands conviction and action from me.


This is my anchor: faith in God, love for family, and pride in being Filipino.


This is my compass: Christ as the core of my conscience, my model of citizenship, and the source of commonsense. He is my navigator through controversy and conflict, the mirror to my soul, my companion and consolation.


I go to Church for mass and communion every Sunday but I strive daily to be in communion with the masses and those who want to see their lives improve. To many, going to church is an end. For me, being Catholic begins the moment I step out of the church. I am called to be a man for others.


To build solidarity, I am guided by Pope Benedict's spirit of ecumenism in this country divided by religious intolerance and partisan politics. For me, Catholic fundamentalism is just as bad as fundamentalism that we deplore in other religion. Hypocrisy and bigotry in any language and form are unacceptable to me as a Catholic as they were to Jesus.


With all our imperfections, I am proud to be Catholic and I want to bring passion in the Church to serve God by serving the poor.

There are rumors that I am doing all of these because I will run for public office. To set the record straight, this is not my desire or calling. I value the freedom to serve more than the authority to rule. To gain freedom, I will not seek political power or personal profit from business. Real power is in not wanting it. True wealth is in not loving money but sharing it with those deprived of a dignified life due to lack of it. To be free is not to put a price tag to one's soul.

To end, let me share with you my wish before I die. I want to see the Philippines as the first Catholic nation in Asia that will rise from third-world poverty and corruption. I will not rest until we put Fr. Damaso and Dona Victorina finally to rest.

MC310 Class: Photographer's Code of Ethics

ATENEO DE DAVAO UNIVERSITY
Mass Communication Department
MC 310: Basic Photography
Bong S. Eliab

Photographer’s Code of Ethics


1. Strive to present myself in a manner that reflects the highest levels of professionalism; and deal with all others in matters relating to photography with honesty and integrity.

Specifically:

2. I will not show, publish, or exhibit any picture without the models prior permission.

3. I will act in a professional and responsible manner at all times.

4. I will not engage in any behavior that may be deemed harassment.

5. I will not engage in any speech that may be deemed harassment.

6. I will not touch any model without asking for and getting her/his permission prior to doing so.

7. I will not hog any particular model, background, or scene and will allow the other photographers ample time to take their pictures.

8. I will not show any model pictures of herself/ himself she/he might consider embarrassing, unless she/ he specifically asks to see them.

9. I will not take time away from any model or the other photographers during an event to show my portfolio.

Also:

10. I will not allow any other photographer to violate this code of ethics and will promptly report him to the teacher, sponsors or organizers of the event and or other appropriate authorities.

11. I will strive to upgrade and improve my knowledge and skill of photography and to put this new knowledge to use.

12. I will strive at all times to produce photography in accordance with the highest levels of professionalism.

13. In all dealings with my mentor, fellow photographers, students and others who aspire to be photographers, I shall share the knowledge and skill of photography; and I will support efforts for and assist in the education of all interested persons in the art and science of photography.

14. I will not violate any laws about photography and especially child pornography. I will immediately report to the proper authorities any activities I may become aware of which might be child pornography or child molestation, sexual harassment

(cf. Republic Act 7610 “An Act Providing for Stronger Deterrence and Special Protection Against Child Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination and other Purposes” and Republic Act 7877 “Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995”)

Tsk-tsk-tsk!

All Roads Lead to Ateneo

I am making a survey about the route of public utility jeepneys (PUJs) in Davao. As I was told by a Jesuit when I first arrived in Davao way back 1993 that all PUJs passed by the University. So he told me if I would be lost to just take any PUJ and tell the driver to drop me at Ateneo/near Ateneo.

I do not know if at present this is still true.

I intend to design a shirt for the Jubilee Year of the University (60 Years) with a title: "ALL ROADS LEAD TO ATENEO".

I know the following:
- Obrero jeeps pass Jacinto
- Mintal, Toril, Calinan PUJs pass Roxas Avenue
- Sasa, Bajada and Panacan jeeps pass the Acacia area
- Matina jeeps pass the Uyanguren/ Claveria area
- ACDC jeeps pass by Jacinto or Claveria

Any comment will be appreciated.

ATENEO DE ILOILO (ADI) TASK FORCE FRANK

ATENEO DE ILOILO (ADI) TASK FORCE FRANK

Typhoon Frank left thousands of families in Iloilo and Panay Region homeless. Accordingly, this is the worst disaster that has ever struck the region. As early as Saturday morning, June 21, reports came in from different towns and barangays of flash floods leaving entire barangays submerged. Many people evacuated their homes to seek refuge in churches, schools and other makeshift evacuation centers. Still many others remain trapped in their homes and waiting for rescue. Rescue efforts have been hampered by damaged bridges and roads. As of Monday morning, recorded death toll has reached more than 100. Most parts of the region have no electricity and water. Food and water are badly needed especially in worst hit towns and barangays.

In view of the emergency situation, we are pleading for your assistance for our brothers and sisters in Iloilo and Panay. We are in need of food, especially canned goods, clothing, and water. We will coordinate the distribution of goods with the Jaro Archdiocesan Social Action Center. Donations may be sent to:

Ateneo de Iloilo – Santa Maria Catholic School
c/o Fr. Manny Uy, S.J. or Bro. Arthur Nebrao, S.J.
139 General Blanco St., Iloilo City
Tel. (033) 337-5532; (033) 338-2245
Fax. (033) 336-2903
Email: anebrao@gmail.com

Cash donations will be greatly appreciated. You may also send your cash donations through:

Banco de Oro (BDO)
Iloilo SM Delgado Branch
Account Name: ADI TASK FORCE FRANK
Account Number: 0710515588

Let us continue to pray for the countless victims of Iloilo and Panay Region. Thank you for your generosity.

TASK FORCE BULIG

Ateneo de Davao University
Jacinto St., Davao City

TASK FORCE BULIG
For Panay Island

Typhoon FRANK (International Codename: Fengsen) caused vast damage to lives, properties and livelihood of our follow countrymen over the weekend. Latest reports said that the number of casualties had been increasing. Damages were greatly felt in some regions where the actual path of the typhoon crossed. Almost all of the provinces of Iloilo, Antique, Aklan and Capiz were submerged in water. People are still stranded on top of the roofs of their houses for two days now in some towns of Iloilo and Antique. Other areas of the Western Visayas are also calling for aid.

General Information:

As of 23 June 2008:
• 10,000 families (40,000 individuals) affected of 20 provinces, 10,000 families are in 275 evacuation centers and increasing.
• Under State of Calamity: Provinces of Iloilo, Capiz, Aklan, Antique, Masbate. Cities of Iloilo, Roxas, Zamboanga (selected areas).
• NDCC: Floods, storm surge and landslides mostly in the Visayas and Southern Tagalog have affected 366,444 people. Of the total number of affected people, 182,686 were in the Western Visayas, including 155,005 in Antique province alone.
• Stranded 5,095 passengers, 288 rolling cargo, 90 trucks, 59 passenger buses, 48 small vehicles, and eight sea vessels.

Iloilo Facts
• Philippine National Red Cross; based on field reports from PNRC staff, the death toll had reached 229, with 101 reported in Iloilo alone.
• Iloilo Gov. Neil Tupas earlier said 59 people drowned in the province while another 40 were missing. “Almost all the towns are covered by water. It’s like an ocean,” Tupas said, adding thousands have been displaced in the province that is home to 1.7 million people.
• Health Secretary Francisco Duque also said he received reports that the Aniway District Hospital in Iloilo, was submerged in floodwaters as deep as six feet.
• Almost all of Iloilo’s 42 towns and this city, including those that had not previously experienced flooding, were under water according to Jerry Bionat, Executive officer of the Provincial Disaster Coordinating Council (PDCC).
• Power outrage reported in Iloilo City; including Odiongan town, Romblon and Antique Province

DONATION MECHANISM

GOODS
You may directly donate your goods: ready-to-eat goods, clothing, water at Alumni Affairs Office (Finster Hall, Roxas Avenue) or Social Involvement Coordinating Office (Del Rosario Hall), Ateneo de Davao University, Jacinto St., Davao City
Contact Person : Ms. Theresa S. Eliab or Fr. Renato C. Ocampo S.J.
Trunkline : (82) 221.2411 local 8329 or 8353


CASH/CHECK
Direct deposits may be made to:

United Coconut Planters Bank
UCPB Account Name: Ateneo de Davao University - Paymate
UCPB Account No.: 417-103300-8
Use Bills Payment Slip and indicate Task Force Bulig

One Network Bank
ONB Account Name: Ateneo de Davao University
ONB Account No.: 21-00005-5
Use Deposit Slip and indicate Task Force Bulig

Or channel to:

Social Involvement Coordinating Office
Ateneo de Davao University
Jacinto St., Davao City
Landline: (82) 221.2411 local 8329 or 8353
Telefax: (82) 226.4116
Text : SICO FEEDBACK YOUR MESSAGE and send to 700ADDU
Web : www.addu.edu.ph
Look for : Magay

For proper acknowledgement:
- Please fax a copy of the validated deposit slip to SICO (82) 226.4116
- Kindly indicate contact information: Name, address, email, landline/mobile
- Those who wish to be anonymous may skip this procedure

Donations will be sent to the victims through Ateneo de Iloilo-Sta Maria High School.

Drink, Don't Drive

Davao Traffic Advisory

When the Bankerohan bridge closed due to construction, the government (either the City's Engineer's Office or the TMC) placed traffic advisories in Ulas Bridge and in GSIS Matina-Ecoland Crossing (Quimpo Blvd-McArthur Highway Corssing). The signage informed the motorists of the volume of traffic passing through Bankerohan and suggested to take either the Diversion Road or the Ecoland route. When the new Bankerohan bridge opened, the riding public from the south heaved a sigh. First week of classes was fine for students coming from Toril or Matina -- a good 15-20 mins drive to downtown.

Yesterday, motorists and the riding public were surprised to to know that the end of the Bankerohan bridge going downtown was closed, traffic was rerouted to a side road going to Magallanes Street. There were no advisories nor announcement along Quimpo-McArthur that volume of traffic along Bankerohan was heavy. Many were stuck along McArthur highway (from NCCC to Bankerohan) for 1-2 hours! The traffic enforcers knew all along that the traffic volume was heavy -- yet no signage telling motorists along Matina about the jam. The poor drivers were entering a trap, they only found out when they got to Bankerohan after 2 hours wait under the gruelling heat of the sun.

My one million dollar question: who's responsibility is it to give the riding public traffic advisories and suggest alternative route?

Sa Mata ng Bata

WHAT IS THE PROPER AGE TO GET MARRIED?

"Eighty-four, because at that age, you don't have to work anymore, and you can spend all your time loving each other in your bedroom." (Judy, 8)

"Once I'm done with kindergarten, I'm going to find me a wife." (Tom, 5)

WHAT DO MOST PEOPLE DO ON A DATE?

"On the first date, they just tell each other lies, and that usually gets them interested enough to go for a second date." (Mike, 10)

WHEN IS IT OKAY TO KISS SOMEONE?

"You should never kiss a girl unless you have enough bucks to buy her a big ring and her own VCR, 'cause she'll want to have videos of the wedding." (Jim, 10)

"Never kiss in front of other people. It's a big embarrassing thing if anybody sees you. But if nobody sees you, I might be willing to try it with a handsome boy,
but just for a few hours." (Kally, 9)

THE GREAT DEBATE: IS IT BETTER TO BE SINGLE OR MARRIED?

"It's better for girls to be single but not for boys. Boys need somebody to clean up after them." (Lynette, 9)

"It gives me a headache to think about that stuff. I'm just a kid. I don't need that kind of trouble." (Kenny, 7)

CONCERNING WHY LOVE HAPPENS BETWEEN TWO PARTICULAR PEOPLE?

"No one is sure why it happens, but I heard it has something to do with how you smell. That's why perfume and deodorant are so popular." (Jan, 9)

"I think you're supposed to get shot with an arrow or something, but the rest of it isn't supposed to be so painful." (Harlen, 8)

ON WHAT FALLING IN LOVE IS LIKE?

"Like an avalanche where you have to run for your life." (Roger, 9)

"If falling in love is anything like learning how to spell, I don't want to do it. It takes too long." (Leo, 7)

ON THE ROLE OF GOOD LOOKS IN LOVE?

"If you want to be loved by somebody who isn't already in your family, it doesn't hurt to be beautiful." (Jeanne, 8)

"It isn't always just how you look. Look at me. I'm handsome like anything and I haven't got anybody to marry me yet." (Gary, 7)

"Beauty is skin deep. But how rich you are can last a long time." (Christine, 9)

CONCERNING WHY LOVERS OFTEN HOLD HANDS?

"They want to make sure their rings don't fall off because they paid good money for them." (Dave, 8)

CONFIDENTIAL OPINIONS ABOUT LOVE?

"I'm in favor of love as long as it doesn't happen when 'The Simpsons' is on television." (Anita, 6)

"Love will find you, even if you are trying to hide from it. I have been trying to hide from it since I was five, but the girls keep finding me." (Bobby, 8)

"I'm not rushing into being in love - I'm finding fourth grade hard enough." (Regina, 10)

THE PERSONAL QUALITIES NECESSARY TO BE A GOOD LOVER?

"One of you should know how to write a check. Because, even if you have tons of love, there is still going to be a lot of bills." (Ava, 8)

SOME SUREFIRE WAYS TO MAKE A PERSON FALL IN LOVE WITH YOU?

"Tell them that you own a whole bunch of candy stores." (Del, 6)

"Don't do things like have smelly, green sneakers. You might get attention, but attention ain't the same thing as love." (Alonzo, 9)

"One way is to take the girl out to eat. Make sure it's something she likes to eat. French fries usually works for me." (Bart, 9)

HOW CAN YOU TELL IF TWO ADULTS EATING DINNER AT A RESTAURANT ARE IN LOVE?

"Just see if the man picks up the check. That's how you can tell if he's in love." (John, 9)

"Lovers will just be staring at each other and their food will get cold. Other people care more about the food." (Brad, 8)

"It's love if they order one of those desserts that are on fire. they like to order those because it's just like how their hearts are on fire." (Christine, 9)