Indak-indak sa Davao

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All photos are owned by Reg Agred (Kalasag 2009 Ateneo de Davao University)

Kadayawan 2008

See my Kadayawan 2008 Album at Flickr.

A post from my college classmate Tatine Faylona of TAF

Tue Aug 19, 2008 5:31 am (PDT)

Dear all -

As events unfold in Mindanao, I join many Filipinos in feeling helpless and
in the dark at how violence escalated to an unconscionable degree. The loss
of lives and the violence that we see cannot and should not continue. I hope
that we take time to look at the issues and speak with genuine stakeholders.
Where lies Mindanao in our national consciousness? How do we truly seek the
path of peace and solidarity with Muslims in Mindanao - they whose rich
culture and heritage also show us a glimpse of what it is to be Filipino?

Because of my recent sojourn in Mindanao and the work that I do on electoral
reform, many of you have asked me what is really happening over there. As a
reply, please allow me to share an interview aired on ANC yesterday (url
link and transcript below). This interview is with Atty. Zainudin 'Zen'
Malang, Executive Director of the Bangsamoro Center for Law and Policy.

Hopefully, amidst the cacophony of voices, we begin to discern better and
appreciate in a more nuanced manner all the issues that Mindanao faces. I'll
forward other statements and similar interviews as I also try to discern
with you how we can all do our part in keeping Mindanao close to our hearts.

Sincerely,

Tatine

"Hope is the thing with feathers
That perches in the soul
And sings the tune without the words,
And never stops at all..."

================

http://abs-cbnnews.com/storypage.aspx?StoryID=128716

Malang: We might end up becoming the Darfur of southeast Asia ** *ANC's
Tony Velasquez interviewed on August 18, Zainudin Malang, executive director
of the Bangsamoro Center for Law and Policy, on the clashes that have
erupted in parts of Mindanao and on the prospects for peace in the south.
Malang has been a close observer of the peace process with Muslim
separatists. *

Q. What was your expectation after the signing of the Memorandum of
Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) in Malaysia, had it pushed through?

A. I was expecting optimism on the ground, not what we are seeing here, not
what we saw today. I was expecting the complete opposite after they had
signed the MOA.

Q. Are these recent clashes in North Cotabato and Lanao del Norte an
offshoot of the failure to sign the MOA-AD?

A. I cannot help but arrive at that conclusion. You know, there are only two
ways to resolve the conflict: either through military means or through
negotiations. And apparently, after the cancellation of the signing of the
MOA, the product of a dozen years of long and hard bargaining on both sides,
perhaps, there are armed groups who feel it will already be hard to resolve
the conflict by way of negotiations.

Q. Do you think the government and military should have anticipated that
this would be the backlash from the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)?

A. I'm sure they've always been aware of the possibility of this happening.
This situation is not new to them.

Q. Does it help the MILF if they undertake this kind of hostilities granted
that they may have been frustrated?

A. I have to go back to the sentiments on the ground, both civil society as
well as sentiments of people within the MILF as well as the other
revolutionary movement, the MNLF. You have to bear in mind that the Mindanao
peace process is three decades old. This started in 1976. The feeling on the
ground is that, they had this 1976 Tripoli agreement, there was a 1996 peace
agreement, but where did these end up? It ended up in failed implementation.
When the MILF leadership undertook negotiations with the government, many in
their ranks were already asking: why negotiate with the government when all
the past peace agreements have never been implemented? So there's always
been skepticism among the [MILF] ranks in the peace process. And then at
each stage of the peace process, each stage of the exploratory talks and
formal talks, there has always been good results that both the MILF and
government could present to their respective constituencies. But after all
of those hard bargaining, those long years of negotiations, after they
arrived at an agreement on how to resolve the conflict, suddenly, the
Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) was blocked. So the
skepticism that was present before is alive again. I think that's what we're
seeing now.

Q. Were you privy to the details of the MOA-AD that was to be signed in KL?

A. There were several instances when I had attended very public forums where
members of the GRP [government of the Republic of the Philippines] as well
as members of the MILF gave the audience updates on what was going on.

Q. What about the contents of the draft MOA-AD?

A. We were given updates on what were the pending issues they discussed,
they had resolved. My friends in the Mindanao People's Caucus, for instance,
organized several of these forums in Davao City , in Marawi City , and these
very public consultations. And I also recalled that every time that the GRP
and the MILF panels are about to meet, they always announce, they make a
public announcement that we are about to meet.

Q. I guess the people back then should have already known about the more
contentious issues such as the resource sharing agreement with the GRP-MILF,
the inclusion of 700 barangays in an expanded Bangsamoro homeland. All of
these were made public.

A. Some of these were made public. The forums I attended, these were
staggered. They occurred over time. So depending on what the status of the
negotiations at that time, that was what was divulged.

Q. Sen. Mar Roxas and Frank Drilon actually have an initialed copy of the
MOA-AD, and they're taking exceptions to several provisions there. For
example, that the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity can now enter into separate
treaties with foreign governments. And now, they're saying that that's
totally unheard of for an autonomous homeland, to have that kind of
sovereign power. Was that ever included in the consultations?

A. I think they refer not to treaties or all kinds of treaties. They
referring to economic treaties, and this is not entirely unheard of. This is
the kind of arrangement that they have in Belgium . For example, the Flemish
region in Belgium is allowed to set up trade missions or enter into economic
treaties with other countries.

Q. Like Quebec in Canada .

A. Yes, so let us bear in mind that the Philippines is not the only one that
has an internal conflict in the whole world. So maybe we should learn at how
this kind of problem has been tackled in other parts of the world. So I
think that's what the GRP and the MILF panels have borne in mind. And if I'm
not mistaken, they've also mentioned Northern Ireland , for example, when it
comes to a need to reexamine the Constitutional framework to resolve the
conflict.

Q. It's good you mentioned the Flemish territory in Belgium . But doesn't it
cause a lot of tension within Belgium ?

A. The tension that I've heard in Belgium is actually being managed by these
sort of accommodations or arrangements. Because the Waloon region [of
Belgium] can always tell the Flemish, why go for separation when you already
enjoying these sovereign privileges? And I guess that's what both the GRP
and MILF panels had in mind when they agreed on this MOA-AD. I suppose what
they were thinking was that, there would be no use, for now, to secede
because all of these genuine...sort of tools would now be afforded or
accorded to you rather than paper autonomy.

Q. But look at what's happening now, when you see the MILF acting in a
belligerent way, just because they're frustrated, ,maybe this, to them,
hopefully a hiccup in the peace talks, and then they finally give up all
hope and resort to violence again. What does it say about giving a group
like this the kind of powers that are contained in a MOA-AD? Isn't it
dangerous?

A. I will be frank with you. We ourselves are finding it hard to pacify
these armed forces. We need to appeal for them to hold back, all the armed
groups because, as they were saying, 'We thought you said we should give
negotiations a chance. We've been talking already for 12 years. We've
already faced two all-out offensives already and then it ends up nowhere.'
We in civil society are finding it hard to pacify these armed groups. And
I'm not just talking about the MILF, I'm also talking about the AFP. Our
work is made much harder when we hear about much-publicized statements from
our political leaders who say, if the MOA-AD is signed, there will be
bloodshed, which we find completely illogical. Because what they're saying
is, if there's a peace agreement, there won't be peace. There will not be
any peace. Whereas we are saying, if there's a peace agreement, there will
be peace.

Q. Let me play devil's advocate. If you say it's hard to pacify these
groups, what we've seen is it's the MILF that has been provoking these
all-out wars. So it's the MILF that is more difficult to restrain than the
AFP.

A. I don't want to take sides. I just want to say that when it comes to
military solutions…we hear so many people say now, it's time to go all out
against the MILF. What I want to remind everyone is that every time we adopt
a military solution, it never works. Remember that in the 1970s, we were
under martial law, and President Marcos, with all the resources and powers
he had in his hand, could not crush a hastily organized rebel army with very
little training, with no battlefield experience, with very minimal
equipment. And the military went against them during martial law. Here we
are, three decades later, they are far more experienced, they have more
equipment, what makes us think that they cannot put up a fight? What I'm
afraid of is, they fought for two weeks in North Cotabato , we already have
160,000 internally-displaced refugees, extrapolate then. Let's assume they
continue fighting for two or three months. How many thousands or millions of
refugees will we have? Remember, in year 2000, we had one million
internally-displaced people, and these were World Bank and government
figures. In comparison, Bosnia only had 600,000, East Timor only had
300,000. What I'm trying to say is, if we do not deescalate the situation,
we might end up becoming the Darfur [in Sudan] of southeast Asia.

Q. Right now, we have a Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of
Hostilities (CCCH). So far, we haven't heard from it. If that committee does
its job, then it should defuse the situation.

A. I remember one instance when I talked to a member of the CCCH. This was
about Cotabato. This was when a Civilian Volunteer Organization and the MILF
were fighting. The MILF were farmers in that area; the CVO members were also
farmers in the barangay. There was fighting and it was reported to the Joint
Ceasefire Committee. The committee came in and it was told by the CVOs, "We
don't recognize any captain. We don't recognize any ceasefire committee."
So, the problem is, the public in Manila who don't know any better, who are
not immersed on the ground, who don't know what's happening, it's very easy
for them to be manipulated. It's very easy for public opinion to be
manipulated nowadays. Because we know that in times of war, the first
casualty is truth. I would advise our friends in media to get a direct line
to the CCCH so we will know what's really happening. Let's not rely…our
sources of information should not depend on groups that are taking advantage
of the conflict. We have so many groups who feel that their interests,
whether economic or political, will be affected negatively by the peace
process. I've always said the reason why there's still no signing of a peace
agreement is that….I've always said that if the government panel, as well as
the MILF panel were left on their own to decide if they should sign the
agreement, they would have done that two years ago. They just couldn't sign
it because they're afraid. There are powerful economic and political forces
who genuinely feel that their interests, political and economic may be
adversely affected by the Mindanao peace process. Because we are talking
here of returning the ancestral domain of the Moros themselves. Now, let's
ask ourselves: who are enjoying now the fruits of these ancestral domain?
Who owns the mineral rights? Who has tens of thousands of hectares per DENR
records in Mindanao ? How would you think they feel, now that the government
is about to return the ancestral domain back to the Moros?

Q. But were they consulted in the first place?

A. If they had been consulted, what do you think they would say? Our friends
in Zamboanga are complaining, they're saying they were not consulted. But
later, they said, they were. And they've said no. Apparently, what they mean
by consultation is, to them, they are consulted if the government takes
their position. In layman's term, when we ask, what do you think? It doesn't
necessarily mean that I would have to adopt your position. But to them, they
say that since they have already expressed their views in a public forum,
albeit informally, their position is, the government should adopt their
position. The problem is, if you're in the GRP or MILF panel, if you try to
accommodate everyone's interest into this agreement, without asking anyone
to make sacrifices or compromises, we will never arrive at any peace
agreement. And what we saw today, it will continue to grow.

Q. How can this be resolved? The President has already ordered an all-out
offensive. The military says it's not going to stop because it's already got
the upper hand. Even local officials say it's got to stop now. When do you
think it's going to stop?

A. I myself am hoping everything dies down, everbody calms down. How is it
going to stop? There has to be…we have to show to everyone that there is a
big constituency for peace. As of now, what's being given air space and
print space are the anti-MOA and the MILF. And both of them are either
saying, if there's no MOA, there's going to be war. Or if there's MOA,
there's going to be war. Right? Perhaps, it's about time, the silent
majority, if there is really a silent majority in support of the peace
process, or the peaceful resolution of the conflict, maybe now is the time,
now more than ever is the time for us to come out and say to everyone, say
to these groups, say to those who would rather resolve the conflict by armed
means, 'Wait, there's a big constituency in support of a peaceful resolution
of whatever grievances, Bangsamoro grievances you have there.'

Atty. Zainudin 'Zen' Malang, Executive Director of the Bangsamoro Center for
Law and Policy, may be reached through mobile +63 928 5000432, and email
address

- END -

--
Tatine G. Faylona

Pagpapalitan ng Kuro-kuro at Demokrasya

PAGPAPALITAN NG KURO-KURO AT DEMOKRASYA
Isang Pananaliksik sa Pag-uunawa ni Jürgen Habermas
Ukol sa Demokratikong Lipunan

JEREMY S. ELIAB
Pamantasan ng Ateneo de Manila

Pambungad

"Ang pakikisangkot sa pulitika ay isang pamamaraan upang hawakan ang kilos ng ibang mga tao." Ito ang nakasanayang pagkilala sa pakikisangkot ng tao sa mga usaping panlipunan na mayroong mahalagang bunga sa pang-araw-araw na pamumuhay. Sa mga pangkaraniwang tao, ang kapangyarihang pulitikal ay kakayahan na "gumawa ng mga inaasahang parusa para sa mga hindi pagsunod" bilang paglalagay ng hangganansa mga kilos at gawain ng iba. Ngunit maari ring ang mismong kapangyarihan ang magiging sagabal sa pakikibahagi ng tao, sa pakikipagkapwa-tao, lalo na sa mga bansang nasa ilalim ng diktadurya o batas militar. Sa kabilang banda, maari ring ang kapangyarihang pulitikal ay maging isang kasangkapan ng isang malaya’t maayos na pakikisangkot ng tao sa lipunang demokratiko. Samakatuwid, kung ang pulitika ay isang sistema ng paghawak ng kapangyarihan upang magkaroon ng kaayusan sa lipunan at mabisang pakikisangkot ng mamamayan, isang napakahalagang aspeto ang pamamaraan ng pahawak sa kapangyarihang ito na isinaalang-alang ang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ng mga tao sa lipunang kanilang ginagalawan.

Itong mga kuro-kuro ay laganap sa kahit saang lugar sa lipunan, kahit sa anumang panahon. Maaring sa isang simpleng sari-sari store na pinag-kakaumpukan ng mga tao, sa loob ng bus o sa barberya o sa mga NGO fora. Kung tunay ang pagsasalin ng mga kuro-kurong ito upang maging pormal na polisiya, magiging batayan ang mabisang komunikasyon, mabisang pagpapalitan ng usapin, at pagkakaroon ng kasunduan mula sa iba’t ibang sektor ng mga batas at kodigong nagagawa sa Kongreso.

Ito ang sinusubukang tingnan ni Jürgen Habermas sa kanyang librong Between facts and norms. Sa kanyang pagtalakay sa batas, nais niyang pagpagin ang iba’t ibang pananaw ng mga teorya ng batas at teorya ng katarungan. At sa pagpapagpag ng mga ito, nagkakaroon ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro, sa kanyang pagtatalakay, upang palabasin ang isang bagong pananaw ukol sa batas, isang pananaw na naka-ugat sa malayang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro upang humantong sa isang lipunang malaya at makatarungan.

Ayon sa teksto ni Habermas, ang modernong pagtingin sa batas ngayon ay kailangang linawin. Kailangang makita ng mga nasa larangan ng gumagawa ng batas at mga nasa lipunang pangmamayan ang igting na nanahan sa batas. Itong igting ang siyang buhay ng lahat ng batas upang maging isang epektibong kasangkapan ng pakikisangkot ng tao sa lipunan at mabisang pamamahala ng gobyerno. Nasa puso ng bawat batas ang igting na ito, na kung makakaligtaang makita ay nagbubunga ng isang "tagilid na pananaw" (BFN, xx) sa dinamikong katotohanan ng batas.

Kaya ang pananaliksik na ito ay isang paglalahad ng halaga ng malayang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro, at kung paano ito nagbubunga ng isang malaya’t demokratikong lipunan na mayroong matatag na batas, na sinusunod ng mga mamamayan ayon rin sa tindi ng kanilang pakikisangkot sa pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro. Sinisikap na ibalangkas ng pananaliksik na ito ang pag-uunawa ni Habermas sa batas at demokrasya. May mga halimbawa’t kongkretong pangyayari sa pulitika at lipunang Pilipino na tatalakayin sa huling bahagi, isang maliit na sanaysay ng manunulat sa Tambuli ng Maralita na tinatalakay dito ang P.D. 772 (Penalizing Squatting and Other Similar Acts) at ang Batas Pambansa 8368 (An Act Repealing Presidential Decree 772).

Ang Pagpapalitan ng Kuro-Kuro Bilang Saligan ng Katarungan

Sa modernong panahon, lalo na sa panahon na nauuga ang pundasyon ng ontolohikal na pagbibigay dahilan sa mga bagay-bagay na nangyayari sa lipunan, naging isang tunay na pagkakataon rin ito upang bumaling sa ibang ugat na wala ang mga sinauna’t di-natatanong na palagay ng metapisika. Ito ang pagsilang ng konsepto ng deliberatibong demokrasya, isang konsepto na ang demokrasya sa isang lipunan ay hindi lamang nakakasalalay sa isang paninindigan na ang sining ng pulitika ay isang pamamahala ng kapangyarihan upang magkaroon ng kaayusan ang lipunan, kundi isang konseptong ang kapangyarihan ng mga taong nakikipagkapwa ay isinalin sa batas, hindi lamang sa panahon ng halalan, kundi kahit na sa pangkaraniwang panahon ng pagsasabatas ng mga matinong panukala mula sa hinubog na opinyon ng mga mamamayan.

May ibang laganap na pananaw sa Pilipinas. Kapag ang isang pulitiko ay naihalal bilang isang lingkod-bayan, nasa pag-uunawa ng pulitiko na ang paghahalal sa kanya ay isang pagbibigay ng kapangyarihan sa kanya ng mga tao. Ibig sabihin na nawawala ang deliberatibong relasyon ng isang publikong opisyal sa mga tao kapag nasa posisyon na siya. Samakatuwid nangyayari lamang ang isang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro bago ang halalan, hindi pagkatapos ng halalan. Hinayaan na lamang ang isang mambabatas na gawin ang kanyang "nais gawin" na walan na ang patuloy na deliberasyon sa mga tao, na wala na ang tunay na pagpupulso sa mga mamamayan na kanilang sinasakupan o bilang kinakatawanan. Tunay itong makita sa usapin ukol sa pagbabago ng Saligang Batas noong 1997.

Ayon pa sa isang manunuri ng pulitika sa Pilipinas:

Kahit na ang batas [local government code] ay hindi magagamit [ng mga mamamayan], sapagkat sinasabi lamang nito ang mekanismo ng pakikisangkot; wala sapat na kapangyarihan [ang mamamayan] … . Kaya magiging mabunga lamang sa mga sektor na ito ang kanilang pakikisangkot sa lokal na pamamahala, lalo na sa mga pook na ang mayor o gobernador ay nagbibingingihan sa mga sinasabi ng mga tao, kung makakita sila ng isang tuwirang landas upang maihain nila ang kanilang mga problema sa isang mas may mabigat ang dating. At hindi makikita itong landas sa 1991 Local Government Code, kundi sa Election Code of the Philippines.

Kaya kung ang batas na naisasagawa ng mga pulitikong ganito ang pag-uunawa sa halaga ng kapangyarihang pulitikal, nagiging isang nakasarang pinto ang Kongreso at ang mga lokal na konseho. Nararapat lamang sa deliberatibong demokrasya ang pakikisangkot na nagbubukas ng dinamikong ugnayan ng pamahalaan sa mga tao. Itong pag-uunawa sa katangian ng demokrasya ay isang pag-aabala na ang pakikisangkot ng mamamayan sa prosesong demokratiko ay may isang katangiang rasyunal -- na ang pagboto, halimbawa, ay hindi lamang isang katipunan ng pagkiling ng ninanais ng mga mamayan kung sino ang mamamahala sa kanila, kundi sumusunod rin sa isang proseso ng pinagmunihang ugnayan at paghubog ng matinong kuro-kuro kung paano sila pamahalaan. Sa ganitong paraan, nahuhubog ang mga tao tungo sa isang mas pinag-isipang opinyon at mga usaping mas may kinalaman sa kanilang buhay, sa halip na ang pagkapopular ng mga kandidato.

Ang batas na nalilikha mula sa mabisang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ay may malaking epekto tungo sa isang malusog na pakikisangkot ng mamamayan. Ayon kay Habermas, ang bawat batas na nalilikha ay may dalawang mukha – isang katangian na dapat makita sa modernong teorya ng batas (BFN, 32). Sa bawat batas nanahan (1) ang pagiging tunay na panlipunang katotohanan nito bilang umiiral at napapatupad, at (2) ang kakayahan ng isip rasyunal na angkinin ang katotohanan at pagka-lehitimo ng batas. Sa isang batas na ipinasa, halimbawa ng Kongreso at ipinapatupad ng Pamahalaan, nagiging isang parang "nilalang" ito na umiiral sa buhay ng mamamayan tulad ng mga bagay, na ipinapatupad at sinusunod. At ang batas ring ito ay hindi lamang basta ipinapataw ng maykapangyarihan, kundi nauunawaan, tinatanggap at sinusunod rin ng mamamayan bilang isang lehitimong patakaran na angkop para sa kanila.

Kaya ang batas ay hindi lamang mga patakarang "dapat sundin" ng mga tao, kundi nagpapakita ring may sinasabi ukol sa rason ng tao na tumatanggap at kumikilala sa batas. Kinikikaka ng mamamayan ang batas hindi bilang mga "dapat sundin" lamang kundi bilang mga adhikain at layunin upang ang kani-kanilang buhay ay maging isang maayos at masaya.

Pag-ugat ng Batas sa Rasyunal na Pag-iisip ng Tao

Iniugat ni Habermas ang kanyang pag-uunawa ukol sa pagka-lehitimo ng batas kay Kant. Bakit ba sinusunod ng mga tao ang pinapatupad na batas? Ayon kay Kant, ang pag-uunawa sa batas ay laging nasa liwanag ng pantay na mga batayang karapatan ng bawat isang taong malaya. Itong mga karapatan ay nakaugat sa isang unibersal na prinsipyo ng batas (Rechtsprinzip) na ang ibig sabihin "ang katipunan ng mga kalagayang posibleng gumalaw ang isang moral na nilalang, upang gawing pangkalahatan ang isang nais ipatupad na patakaran sa panlabas na kilos ng mga indibidwal" (BFN, xii).

Samakatuwid, ang batas ay may kinalaman sa kalayaan ng bawat isang indibidwal. Pinapalagay ng Kantianong pag-uunawa na ang batas ay "katipunan ng mga kondisyong maaring galawan ng malayang pagpapasya (Willkür) ng isang indibidwal na maaring pag-isahin sa mga malalaya ring pasya ng iba alinsunod sa isang unibersal na batas ng kalayaan." Kaya mayroong ibig sabihin si Kant ukol sa katangian ng batas na ginawa ng tao: na ang batas ang (1) nagbibigay ng hangganang angkop at sapat upang ang bawat isa ay maaring kumilos ng malaya upang hanapin ang kanilang tagumpay at kasiyahan; (2) na ang batas ay nakasalalay sa prinsipyo ng kalayaan, na lahat ay may kalayaan na dapat angkinin at galangin ng bawat isa. Hinihingi ang minimum na panggalang mula sa mga tao.

Kaya ang batas ay humihingi sa bawat tao ng paggalang, sapagkat ang paggalang dito ay pagkilala sa kalayaang nanahan sa bawat isa. Kaya nagiging lehitimo ang batas kung ipapatupad at ipapataw ito, kapag nakaugat ito sa konsepto ng kalayaan. "Ang pagpataw [ng batas] ay maaring bigyang-dahilan lamang kung iniiwasan nitong mangyari ang mga sagabal sa kalayaan" (BFN, 29).

Halimbawa, kapag ang isang batas ay ipinapatudad ng lokal na pamahalaan, kailangan isinaalang-alang na ang panukala ay dumaan sa proseso ng debate at pagdinig sa lahat ng kuro-kuro ng mamamayan o ng mga taong nasasangkot. Sa ganitong paraan, nakikita ng mga tao na ang batas ay karapat-dapat ngang sundin sapagakat dumaan ito sa isang rasyunal na pagpapalitan ng posisyon ng lahat na nakasangkot. Kapag ito ay naisabatas at ipinapatupad, may kasama itong parusa upang pigilin ang anumang paglabag. Ngunit hindi nakikita ng mga tao ang batas sa liwanag ng isang "masamang tao", ibig sabihin hindi nakikita lamang ang batas bilang sistema lamang ng mga parusa. Nauunawaan ng mga tao ang batas bilang isang positibong patakaran na kailangang sundin, sapagkat may sinasabi ito ukol sa kalayaan ng bawat isang indibidwal.

Samakatuwid, ang pag-uugat ng batas sa unibersal na prinsipyo ng kalayaan ng bawat isa, "sa isang pangkalahatang kapakanan ng tao," ang nagbibigay-dahilan upang sundin ng bawat moral na tao ang batas. Nakikita dito na bumabalik sa rasyunal na pagbibigay ng dahilan sa pagka-wasto, pagka-lehitimo ng batas. Nagiging isang batayan ang kakayahan ng rason na magbigay ng katwiran sa pagkalehitimo ng batas, na inaangkin naman ng isip at kumikilala sa batas bilang dapat sundin at tupdin. Bukal ng batas ang mismong deliberasyon, buhay ng batas ang patuloy pang deliberasyon at pagbibigay katwiran, at deliberasyon pa rin ang kikitil sa batas kapag hindi na ito ayon sa pantay-pantay na kalayaan ng bawat isa, hindi lamang ayon sa pangkalahatang kapakanan ng tao.

Angkla ng Batas sa Deliberasyon

Sa teorya ng deliberasyon ni Habermas masisilayan ang pagsisikap na buhayin ang kakayahan ng rason, ang kakayahan ng isip na magmuni ukol sa mga bagay ng may halaga sa buhay pulitika ng tao. Higit sa lahat, kung ang batas na siyang puno at dulo ng sistemang pangkatarungan ng isang lipunan, matindi ang hamon sa isang mainam na deliberasyong rasyunal sa proseso ng pagsasabatas ng mga panukala. Ang sukatan ng mabuting batas o masamang batas ay nasa antas ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ng mga mamamayan, ng mga pangkat na hindi kasangay ng pamahalaan (NGO), ng mga iba pang lugar na maaring maging kalagayan ng pagsibol ng di-pormal na pagpapalitan ng opinyon.

"Ibig sabihin ng karapatan na makisangkot sa pulitika ay ang legal na pagsasalin ng publikong opinyon-at-paghubog-ng-loob tungo sa legal balangkas na nagiging ganap sa mga polisiya at mga batas" (BFN, 151). Mahalagang makita na sa pag-uunawa ni Habermas, ang pagsasabatas ay hindi lamang isang paggawa ng hangganan sa mga kilos ng tao at pagtatanggal ng mga sagabal sa kalayaan ng bawat isang kasapi ng lipunan. Ang pakikisangkot sa mga usaping pulitikal, lalo na sa pagsasabatas, ay isang pangangailangan upang lumikha ng mga lehitimo’t makatarungang batas. Nakasalalay ang pagkalehitimo ng at pagkamakatarungan ng batas sa antas ng pakikisangkot ng mga tao.

Kinakailangan ang malayang deliberasyon ng mga mamayan sa bawat pagsasabatas, sapagkat nagkakaroon lamang ng lehitimong kapangyarihan ang batas na dapat itong ipatupad kung nakikita itong may tuwirang ugnayan mula sa mga tao.

Ito ang kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon, ang kapangyarihan ng malayang usap-usapan ng mga mga mamayan na nagtitiyak sa pagiging lehitimo ng batas. Ayon pa kay Hannah Arendt, "Ang kapangyarihang bumubukal mula sa pagitan ng mga tao kung sama-samang kumikilos, at naglalaho sa sandaling maghiwa-hiwalay sila." Sa pananaw na ito, ang batas sa lipunan at ang kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon ay nanggaling sa opinyon, na marami ang publikong nagkakasundo (BFN, 147). Samakatuwid, may isang mahigpit na ugnayan ang pagkilos ng malayang usap-usapan sa pagsasagawa ng mga makatwiran at lehitimong batas.

Sa pamamagitan ng pagpapakilos ng kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon, na maaaring nangyayari sa kahit na anong anyo sa larangan ng mga di-pormal na pook-usapan, unti-unti itong naging isang potensyal, na lumalawak ang impluwensiya, kumakalat sa mga tao, at makakarating sa mga pormal na usapan. Ang mga ganitong namumuo na mga opinyon ay hindi dapat tanggihan ng mga may hawak ng kapangyarihang magsabatas ng mga adhikain ng mga tao sapagkat sa mga opinyong ito tunay na napupulsuhan ng pamahalaan ang bayan.

Kaya ang batas ay isang instrumento ng pagsasalin ng kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon sa kapangyarihan ng pamamahala (BFN, 149). Ang batas ay kailangang tingnan bilang isang kasangkapan ng pagdadala ng opinyon ng mga taong dumaan sa isang deliberasyon upang maging isang lehitimong batas maging isang legal na balangkas na tinatanggap ng mga tao. Ang pagka-lehitimo ng batas ay humihingi ng batayan mula sa mismong deliberasyon at pagtatanong ng rason, at hindi sa kakayahan at pulitikal na puwersa ng isang pamahalaan.

Pagsasanib ng Di-Pormal na Kuro-kuro sa Pormal na Balangkas

Laganap ang iba’t ibang anyo ng deliberasyon sa di-pormal na larangan. Kung tutuusin, buhay ng mismong pangkaraniwang mamamayan ang mismong deliberasyon sa mga usap-usapang nangyayari sa mga lokal pook sa kapaligiran. Ayon pa kay Rainier Ibana:

"Ginagawa ito sa pang-araw-araw na usap-usapan. Tuwing nag-uumpukan sa tindahan, naghihingutuhan sa mga baitang ng hagdanan, nagtatalo o nagtsitsismisan sa mga barberya o byuti parlor, tinutupad na ang deliberasyon. Totoong maliliit na antas lamang ang mga halimbawang nabanggit. Subalit maging isang higit na malawakang antas, ipinakikita ng mga umuusbong na mga kilusang hindi kasangay ng pamahalaan (NGOS) na maaring makabuo ng mga grupong nakabatay sa deliberasyon" (PM, 100).

Ito ang mga pook na dapat buhayin at bigyang pansin ng pamahalaan. Ayon pa kay Habermas, sa isang demokratikong pamamahala ay dapat isinasaalang-alang ang isang malinaw na proseso kung paano napapakinggan ang mga opinyon ng tao mula sa mga di-pormal na larangan (BFN, 349). Kailangan na sa isang sistema ng batas, lalo na sa Saligang Batas, may malinaw na patakaran at mekanismo ang pagsasalin ng mga kuro-kuro ng tao tungo sa paglikha batas, at may sapat ring kapangyarihan ang pamahalaan kung naipapatupad itong patakarang nangangalaga sa proseso ng deliberasyon upang maipagtatanggol ang mga tinig ng lahat, lalo na ang mga nangangailangan ng pansing panlipunan tulad mga abang maralita.

Isang panlipunang kalawakan ang publikong larangan ng deliberasyon (BFN, 360). Binubuo ito ng isang balangkas ng komunikasyon na nakaugat sa lifeword sa pamamagitan ng mabisang sapot na ugnayan ng mga pangkat na hindi kasangay ng pamahalaan. Ito rin ang mistulang "tainga" na nagbibigay ng babala kapag mayroong problema sa isang lipunan. Sa isang demokratikong lipunan, hindi lamang instrumento pakikinig sa mga suliraning panlipunan ang publikong larangan, maari rin nitong kilalanin ang mga problema ayon sa uri nito, magbigay ng mga mungkahing solusyon, ipadama at iparating ang mga ito sa pintuan ng demokratikong proseso, ang Kongreso man o lokal na konseho. Dahil na rin sa di-pormal ang talakayan, at nakabatay pana-panahong pag-usap-usapan ng mga tao, may hangganan ang sariling kakayahan ng publikong larangan upang bigyang solusyon ang mga panlipunang problema. Hindi lahat ng problema at gusot ay naaayos sa publikong larangan.

Tunay ngang mayroong nakatago at pinapalagay na pagkakaunawaan na naroroon na sa lifeworld (BFN, xvi). Itong pagkakaunawaan ang nagpapatatag, umaayos, nagpapabuo ng mga pangkat. Ang sinaunang pagkakaunawaan ang sandigan ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro – naroon ang mga sinaunang di-pormal na mekanismo upang ayusin ang di-pagkakaunawaan sa mababang antas, sa kakayahan ng rason at sa bisa pagkakaisa ng mga tao, at bunga ng pagkakahawig ng kanilang kultura, tradisyon at pagpapahalaga.

Kaya halimbawa lamang sa isang pangkat ng maralitang taga-lunsod, sa loob ng kanilang pamayanan, may sarili silang tradisyon at kultura kung paano harapin ang mga maliliit na problemang nakahain sa kanila, may sarili silang pamamaraan ng pagsasalita na madaling naiintindihan nila. Kaya kapag may namatayan sa pamayanan, may isang umiikot na tao upang humingi ng abuloy sa bawat tahanan. Hindi na tinatanong ng mga tao kung bakit may umiikot, hindi na sila tinatanong kung bakit kailangang humingi, hindi na nila dinadaan sa deliberasyon kung mangkano ang ibibigay. Ito sinaunang pagkakaunawaan na batayang sinasandigan ng pang-araw-araw na kilos at ugnayan ng mga tao. Sa pamamagitan nito, nasasala ang mga kailangang idaan sa deliberasyon – nababawasan sa mga kailangang ilagay sa usap-usapan.

Ibig sabihin, maaring ituon ang mismong enerhiya ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro sa mga mas mahahalagang usapin sa halip na sa mga maliliit na mga bagay. Kung mas may mabigat na problemang panlipunan na hindi nakakayanang ayusin ng panloob na mekanismo ng isang pamayanan, lalo na pag may panlabas na salik o dayuhang nakasangkot, dito pumapasok ng mas malawak na deliberasyon at usapan na lumalampas sa konteksto ng pamayanan.

Mula sa lifeword nakaugat ang publikong larangan. Ang usapan sa antas ng publikong larangan ay maaring nakatutok sa isang usapin, na unti-unting gumugulong sa iba’t ibang liwasan, sa iba’t ibang pook ng usap-usapan. Sa daloy ng panahon, nagiging isang malakas na opinyon publiko ang mga ito na maaring makiugnay rin sa ibang usaping panlipunan. Dito sumusulpot ang papel ng pangkat o koalisyon ng mga pangkat na nagtataguyod ng mga usapin sa pamamagitan ng pormal na proseso upang dalhin ang opinyon sa pormal na larangan ng debate – gawin itong balangkas unibersal sa pamamagitan ng pagsasabatas.

Ayon kay Habermas, "ang daloy ng komunikasyon mula sa paghubog ng opinyon, sa pagsasabalangkas ng halalan at mga pasyang lehislatibo ay nagbibigay katiyakan na ang impluwensiya at kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon ay naisasalin sa pamamagitan ng pagsasabatas tungo sa pamamahala" (BFN, 299). Nagiging pormal na balangkas, hindi laman ang laman ng mga usapin, kundi ang uri ng malayang usap-usapan, kaya ang batas ay kinikilala, tinutupad at tinatanggap ng mga tao sapagkat may tuwirang sinasabi at inaayos ang batas sa kanilang buhay. Itong mga inaayos ng batas na nailikha ay ang mga bagay-bagay na hindi kayang ayusin ng di-pormal na balangkas ng lifeword at ng publikong larangan. Ang pag-aayos ay dumadaan sa isang komplikadong pagpapatupad ng pamahalaan, ng korte, at ng mga iba’t ibang ahensiya ng gobyerno.

Ngunit ang batas ay kasangkapan ng nilalayong pagkakaunawaan ng bawat isa bilang may malayang pagkilos upang hanapin ang kanilang tagumpay, dapat may paggalang rin sa iba, na may karapatang ding hanapin kanilang tagumpay at katuparan ng buhay ng sama-sama. Dito lumalabas ang dalawang mukha ng batas na nangangalaga ng publikong kapakanan at ng pribadong kalayaan ng bawat isa. Nasa igting na ito makikita ang isang ga-buhok na pagitang nagsasagisag ng katarungan sa isang lipunan demokratiko.

Batas sa Loob ng Igting ng Publikong Autonomiya at Pribadong Autonomiya

Mayroong dalawang paradigma kung paano unawain ang modernong batas. Madalas may sinasabi ang mga tao ukol sa mga pribadong pag-aari at publikong ari-arian, publikong lupain at pribadong lupain. Kung sa lipunan umiiral ang dalawang laranga ito – ang larangan ng pribadong indibidwal at publikong maaring galawan ng indibidwal, kailangan rin isaalang-alang ito sa pagsasagawa at pagpapatupad ng batas. Kung ang isang batas ay wala sa igting ng dalawang larangan, lalabas ang pagka-hindi makatarungan ng batas, samakatuwid, hahantong sa pagka-hindi lehitimo nito, at samakatuwid, sa pagpapawalang bisa nito.

Kung may mga batas man na naipasa na isinaalang-alang lamang ang makitid na interes ng iilang indibidwal na walang pag-sasaalang-alang sa kapakanan ng pangkalahatan, sa huli, kailangang ipawalang bisa ring ito sa pamamagitan ng deliberasyon. Ang deliberasyon pa ring ang sukatan kung ang batas ay kailangang ipawalang bisa o panatilihin, sapagkat "tungkulin ng deliberasyon na ungkatin ang mga nagtatagong mga interes na humahadlang sa pakikipagkapwa-tao" (PM, 93). Lalabas ang pagka-hindi makatarungan ng batas kung hindi kayang magbigay ng sapat na katwiran ang mga gumawa nito upang panatilihing pinapatupad. Lalabas ang pagkiling nito kung hindi maipapaliwanag at bigyan ng sapat na katwirang sinasang-ayunan rin ng iba, ang mismong pagkiling nito sa mismong akto ng proseso ng deliberasyon.

Ang unang paradigma sa pag-uunawa sa katutubong katangian ng batas ay tinatawag na klasikong liberal na pinangugunahan ng mga pilosopong tulad ni John Locke (BFN, 296). Binibigyang diin ng pananaw na ito ang impersonal na katangian ng batas at ang pagtatanggol ng karapatang indibidwal. Ang pagkalehitimo ng pamahalaan ay nakabatay sa pangangalaga ng kalayaan ng bawat indibidwal, madalas itong tinaguriang karapatang pantao (BFN, xxv). Ang kaganapan ng kalayaan ay nasa pagsisikap na hanapin ng tao ang kanya-kanyang galing at kabutihan. Dapat isaalang-alang sa bawat pagpapatupad ng batas ang indibidwal na karapatan at kalayaan.

Ang isa namang pananaw ay ang republikanismo (BFN, 300) na bumubukal mula sa pag-iisip nina Platon, Aristoteles at Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Itinatanghal nitong pananaw ang demokratikong proseso bilang isang sama-samang deliberasyon upang magkaunawaan ang mga mamamayan ukol sa pangkalahatang kabutihan at kapakanan. Kaya ang kaganapan ng kalayaan ay hindi makakamit sa paghahanap ng pribadong kasiyahan kundi sa malayang pakikisangkot ng bawat kasapi sa lipunan, sa pakikiisa ng bawat kasapi sa mga pamamaraan ng pamamahala. Ang pagkalehitimo ng batas ay nakaugat sa isang popular na soberenya, sa isang kolektibong kasarinlan ng pamamahala.

Sa modernong pag-uunawa ng batas, ayon kay Habermas, naroroon itong igting o tensyon ng publiko at pribadong kapakanan, ang publikong larangan at ang pribadong larangang ginagalawan ng tao. Lahat ng batas ay nangangailangan ng panlabas na pagkilala ng mamamayan (publiko), ngunit nangangailangan rin ng rasyunal na batayan upang matanggap ng mga indibidwal na mamamayan (pribado) ang mga ito bilang lehitimong batas na humihingi ng kanilang pagtupad. Kaya ang mismong malinaw at rasyunal na pag-uugat ng pagkalehitimo batas ay kailangan, sapagkat dapat ipatupad ang mga batas na walang pagpapalagay na umiiwas sa pagtatanong ng rason, tulad, halimbawa, ng relihiyosong pananaw. Hindi maaring iugat ang pagka-lehitimo ng batas sa mga pagpapalagay na ibinabawal ang pagtatanong at deliberayon ayon sa kakayahan ng rason at pagbibigay katuwiran. Ganyan ang katangian ng modernong batas.

Sa ating nakita, kailangang ang bawat batas ay tiyak na nangangalaga ng dalawang larangan na nabanggit. Kailangang malinaw na nakasaad sa batas ang larangan na maaring galawan ng mga pribadong mamamayan upang malayang magpasya at hanapin ang kanilang personal na tagumpay at kasiyahan. Samakatuwid, dapat nasa diwa ng batas ang paggalang sa pribadong autonomiya. Sa kabilang banda naman, upang maging mabisa ang pagpapatupad ng batas, kailangang malinaw ring makita ng mga matitinong tao ang rasyunal na hangganang ipinapataw ng batas. At kapag nakita ito ng mga tao, maliwanag nilang kilalanin na ang kaayusang legal, ang publikong larangan na ginagalawan nila, ay nagmumula mismo sa kanilang kakayahang magsabatas ng matino’t katanggap-tanggap sa rason na mga panukala upang pangalagaan ang pangkalahatang kapakanan ng tao. Samakatuwid, nasa diwa rin ng batas ang paggalang sa publikong autonomiya.

Sa batas na laging may dalawang mukhang bumabaling sa pribado at publikong autonomiya, paano ito natatamo? Kung ang modernong batas ay laging isinaalang-alang ang kalayaan ng bawat kasapi sa lipunan sabay ang mismong kolektibong kapakanan ng mga tao, ano ang batayan upang tiyaking nasa tensyon ng dalawang sukdulan ang pagsasagawa ng batas at pagpapatupad ng batas? Ito ang papel ng deliberatibong pulitika ni Jürgen Habermas.

Deliberatibong Pulitika At Paghubog ng Opinyon

Kung hahanapin ang kondisyon na pinanggalingan ng batas, maliwanag na makikita ito sa lehislatibong pamumulitika, isang bahagi lamang ng masalimuot at malawak na larangan ng prosesong pulitikal. Ayon kay Habermas, ang pulitika ng pagsasabatas ay dapat sumusunod sa patakaran ng malayang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro upang maiugat ang mga nalilikhang batas sa deliberasyon ng rason at pagtitimbang ng iba’t ibang pananaw. "Tiyak na ang mga patakaran lamang na dumaan sa deliberasyon ang masasabing tunay at lehitimo kung ang mga nagkakasundo ang mga apektadong tao na bahagi sila ng proseso ng deliberasyon" (BFN, 107). Ibinabatay ang pagka-lehitimo ng batas sa prinsipyo ng deliberasyon upang maiwasan ang isang moralistikong interpretasyon ng at pagbibigay diin sa pribadong autonomiya o pagpapalagay ng karapatang pantao. Nais ni Habermas na iwasan ang pagkukulang ng ibang teorya ng pulitika at batas na nakabatay sa bigat ng mga palagay ontolohikal, at sa halip iniuuwi niya ang batayan sa mismong proseso ng deliberasyon. Sa pamamagitan ng deliberasyon, inuugnay niya at nilalampasan ang pananaw ng liberalismo at ng republikanismo. "Kinukuha ng teorya ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ang mga elementong nanggagaling sa dalawang panig at pinagsasanib ito sa konsepto ng isang ideyal na proseso para sa deliberasyon at pagpapasya" (BFN, 296).

Ano ba ang nangyayari sa deliberatibong pulitika? At ano ang mga hinihingi ng ganitong proseso upang makamtan ang pagsasabatas ng makatarungan at lehitimong batas o polisiya? Una, sa liwanag ng tensyon sa pagitan ng pribadong autonomiya at publikong autonomiya, nangangailangan ng isang katipunan ng abstraktong karapatan na kilalanin ng mga mamamayang nagnanais na isailalim ang kanilang buhay sa isang lehitimong batas. Ang mga abstraktong karapatan ang magiging isang sistema ng mga karapatan na kinikilala ng bawat isang malayang kasapi ng lipunan bilang bukal ng pagkakasundo at pakikipagkapwa-tao (BFN, 409). Itong mga karapatan ang magtatakda ng mga pangkalahatang kalagayan na karapatdapat upang itatag ang mga prosesong demokratiko ng deliberasyon ukol sa mga batas at sa pulitika. Kaya, kailangan munang ihanda ang angkop na kalagayan na ginagawang posible ang mismong deliberasyon pulitikal.

Hinati ni Habermas sa limang mahahalagang karapatan itong nararapat na kalagayan: (1) ang batayang karapatan ng pagkapantay-pantay; (2) ang karapatang makibahagi sa pangkat; (3) ang karapatan sa isang makatarungan proseso (BFN, 122). Itong tatlo ang nangangalaga sa pribadong autonomiya ng bawat isa. Binibigyang diin nito ang kalayaan ng bawat isa, na pantay rin sa kalayaan ng iba, upang magpasya ukol sa personal na hinahanap na tagumpay at kaligayahan.

Sa kabilang banda, kailangan rin ang karapatan na nangangalaga sa publikong autonomiya. Ito ay ang (4) karapatang makibahagi sa pulitika (BFN, 127). Binibigyang diin ni Habermas na ang publikong autonomiya at pribadong autonomiya ay kinakailangan sa lahat ng pagkakataon sa deliberatibong pulitika. Hindi maaring lamunin ng kolektibong papapasya ang kalayaan ng indibidwal, gayundin, hindi maaring mangibabaw ang indibidwal na pagpapasya upang apakan ang pangkalahatang kapakanan.

Kung wala ang unang tatlong karapatan, maglalaho ang pribadong autonomiya. Ibig sabihin kalayaan ang mga mamayang nasa ilalim ng batas ay pumapangalawa lamang sa pangkalahatang kapakanan. Nagiging isang hungkag batas sa liwanag pagka-maaring-tanggapin ng mga malayang mamamayan. Ngunit kung wala naman ang mamamayan ang karapatang makibahagi sa larangan ng pulitika, lalabas na ang kalayaan ng bawat kasapi ay isang "maka-machong" pagpapataw ng kapritso sa halip na pagpapakita ng kakayahang pamahalaan nila ang patutunguhan na kanilang sama-samang pamumuhay sa isang matinong paraan.

Ang karapatang makibahagi sa pulitika ang nagbibigay sa mamamayan na hubugin at palaguin pa ang karapatang kanilang tinatamasa bilang mga malayang mamamayan na may pribadong autonomiya. Samakatuwid nagiging mambabatas ang mamayan sa pakikisangkot sa deliberatibong pulitika, na kung tutuusin, sila rin mismo ang sasailalim sa mga batas na malilikha.

Ngunit hindi lamang hanggang sa pakikibahagi sa pulitika ang karapatan. Ang (5) karapatan sa panlipunang pagkawanggawa ang ikalima na tumutugon upang maisasagawa ang nauunang apat na karapatan (BFN, 123). Ito ang karapatan na nagtitiyak na ang mga mamamayan ay may sapat na batayang pangangailangang materyal upang maging mabisa, magaling at mainam ang kanilang malayang pagkilos at pakikisangkot. Tunay ngang hindi maaring makisangkot ng lubusan sa deliberasyon o sa protesta ang isang taong gutom. Hindi nga mahahanap ng taong malaya ang kanyang tagumpay kung wala siyang sapat na tirahan at walang sapat na kita upang tustusan ang pang-aaraw-araw na buhay at pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro.

Ang mga karapatang nabanggit ay mga pangangailangan upang mapangalagaan ang malayang pagpapalitan ng mga mamamayan. Ngunit hindi pa pumapasok doon ang papel ng poder ng pamahalaan na mayroong sangkap (pulis) upang ipatupad at panatilihin ang sistema ng karapatan. Ito ang isa pang pag-usad ng palitan ng kuro-kuro mula sa larangan ng mga mamamayan tungo sa larangan ng institusyon at mga balangkas panlipunan.

Ayon kay Habermas, ang pagpasok ng institusyon at balangkas panlipunan ay nangangailangan ng isang malinaw na prosesong demokratiko. Ang batas na ipinapatupad ng pamahalaan ay dapat kinikilala ng mamamayan bilang lehitimo at katanggap-tanggap sa pamamagitan ng malawak na pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ng mamamayan at kanilang mga kinatawan. Isinaalang-alang ng proseso ng pagpapalitan ang paghubog ng mga opinyong pulitikal at "loob" ng mga mamamayan (BFN, 159). Samakatuwid, ang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro o ang deliberasyong publiko ay hindi lamang isang intelektwal na diskurso ng mga pulitiko, kundi isang paggamit ng kakayahan ng rason, ng isip, ng debate na nanggagaling sa pagpapahalaga, interes at pagkatao ng mamamayan.

Dito makikita ang buhay ng demokrasya sa isang mainam na pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro upang hubugin ang isang panukala. Kaya, "nanahanan sa patakaran ng deliberatibong pulitika ang pinakasentrong elemento ng prosesong demokratiko" (BFN, 296) Sa pamamagitan ng deliberatibong pulitika, pinagsasama-sama ng mga mamamayan sa isang "palayok" ang kayamanan ng kanilang pagmumuni-muni at pag-iisip upang bumuo ng isang mas bukas na pananaw, mahalagang panukala o matatag na opinyon. Bumubukal mula sa "palayok" na ito ang kapangyarihan ng komunikasyon na mayroong napakalakas na dating sa mga pormal na pagpapasya sa Kongreso man o sa Malacanang. Naisasalin mula sa mabisang pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ang "kalooban" ng mga mamayan upang maging isang kalooban pulitikal (political will), maging isang pasyang pulitikal, hindi lamang sa panahon ng halalan.

Kaya, ang demokratikong lipunan ay nakabatay sa antas ng deliberasyong nangyayari sa mula sa di-pormal na larangan hanggang sa institusyon at pagsasabatas. Ang layunin lagi ng deliberasyon ay ang paghantong sa isang pagkakaunawaan ng mga mamamayan, isang kalagayang maging posible ang pakikipagkapwa-tao upang hanapin ng bawat isa ang personal na tagumpay at kaligayahan, samakatuwid, magpakatao. "Hinihingi ng teorya ng pagpapalitan ng kuro-kuro ang mas mataas na antas ng pakikipagkapuwatao sa mga proseso ng pagkakaunawaan na nangyayari sa pamamagitan ng mga patakarang demokratiko o ang sapot ng komunikasyon sa loob ng publikong larangan" (BFN, 299). Ang deliberatibong pulitika ang hantungan ng masalimuot na paghubog ng opinyon at indibidwal na kalooban. Nakikita at nararamdaman ng ang tunay na pulso ng mamamayan, ng bayan sa prosesong ito.

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Ibibigay ko sa mga susunod na mga linggo ang ibang sanaysay tungkol sa MOA-AD at ang usaping autonomiya.

Joint Peace Statement of JOM on the Cessation of Hostilities in North Cotabato

Joint Peace Statement of JOM on the Cessation of Hostilities in North Cotabato

We, the Administrators, Personnel and Students of the Jesuit, Oblate of Mary Immaculate and Marist Brothers' Educational Institutions in Mindanao are in solidarity with the aspirations of our people for peace and unity to reign among the conflicting groups in our region. We stand for a peaceful and united Central Mindanao.

We earnestly appeal for the cessation of hostilities as we are greatly concerned over the aggravating armed conflict between the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) resulting in senseless killing and massive evacuation that inflict indelible fear and trauma among the civilians, particularly innocent children.

We desire to convey to the involved parties the terrible plight of our internally displaced persons (IDPs) who suffer from loss of property and economic insecurity that would imminently lead to starvation and infirmity. The daily increase of IDPs is quite alarming and to date, the record shows more than 150,000 have already been displaced. Should the situation worsen, it is certain that the number of IDPs will unmanageably escalate.

The peoples of Central Mindanao are laden with the heavy yoke of unstable peace and order condition and man-made calamities from which they have not fully recovered yet. The present hostilities certainly are a hard blow to the already weakened people. Thus, we call on the civic, religious and all peace-oriented organizations to evaluate objectively the situation in order to appropriately address the issues.

We urge the AFP and the MILF to lay down their arms, renounce any act of hostility and reopen avenues for dialogue and partnership. We urge them to continue to work for authentic and lasting peace in order to improve the conditions of the very peoples whose lives and interests they have both sworn to protect and uphold.

We, the Jesuit, Oblate of Mary Immaculate and the Marist Brothers' Educational Institutions in Mindanao, pledge our continuing commitment to peace-building through intercultural and interreligious dialogues and active nonviolent means.

Ateneo de Davao University, Davao City
Ateneo de Zamboanga University, Zamboanga City
Notre Dame of Dadiangas University, General Santos City
Notre Dame of Kidapawan College, Kidapawan City
Notre Dame of Jolo College, Jolo, Sulu
Notre Dame of Marbel University, Koronadal City
Notre Dame of Midsayap College, Midsayap, Cotabato
Notre Dame University, Cotabato City
Xavier University-Ateneo de Cagayan, Cagayan de Oro City

14 August 2008

Melons

See the Fiesta Album Here.
Photos are downloadable in various resolutions under license
from Creative Commons.

Photos of Fiesta 2008

See the Fiesta Album Here.
Photos are downloadable in various resoultions under license
from Creative Commons.

MC310 Class: Choosing a Model (Text)

Photo: Ayi Ola; Model: Muchy Lavina

Kindly photocopy the class reading materials (get original from my office), 9 pages:

TOPIC: Choosing a Model

(1) Your First Model
(2) Test Shots
(3) Types of Models
(4) Model/ Photographer Relationship
(5) Assessing the Model
(a) From the Front
(b) From the Side
(c) From Behind
(6) Posing
(7) Shape, Pattern, Texture and Color

Beach Photoshoot

Start:	Aug 31, '08 06:00a
End:	Aug 31, '08 5:00p
Location:	University Samal Campus, San Jose, Penaplata (near Pearl Farm)

Each group will be composed of 3-4 students. Models of each group will be the responsibility of group members. The signed MOA and Model Release Forms must be submitted to the teacher at least 3 days before the shoot (Aug 21, 2008). Groups will take care of their model's transportation and food. There will be at least two professional photographers assisting the class in the in situ shoot.

Location: Ateneo de Davao University - Samal Campus
Date: 31 August 2008
Time: 6:30 AM - 5:00PM

Meeting Place: Jacinto Campus, 615AM, 31 August 2008

What to bring:

(1) Camera/ Flash/ Tripod/ Battery Pack/ Battery Charger
(2) Camera Bags/ Plastic Bags
(3) First Aid Kit/ Pain reliever medicines/ antiasthma/ antiallergy, etc.
(4) Umbrellas, hats and caps
(5) Photo Props/ Make Up Kits/ Clothes
(6) Towels and "malong" or mattress (take note there are no furnitures nor chairs there)
(7) Drinking Water/ Other Drinks or Coleman container with ice
(8) Packed Lunch (make sure it's enough for you and your model, you need more energy since you will be shooting (moving around) for many hours)
(9) Snacks (AM and PM)
(10) Light Reflectors and Diffusers
(11) Off Lotion - (Anti-Dengue)
(12) Life vest (optional, hehe)
(13) Mobile Phone
(14) Tent (optional)

Please charge your batteries the night before (for camera and phone). Make sure you have downloaded your images from your card to your PCs. Photographer will have to pay for their own models' transportation, food, etc. No other persons, except the models and photographers of MC310 class, are allowed to join this activity without the explicit permission of the teacher. The guards at the location will not allow anybody to enter the premises without any ADDU identification card and permission of University officials. Take note, this is a private photoshoot.

If you have other concerns, please email me at jse[at]addu.edu.ph or call (82) 221.2411 local 8253.

MOA On Ancestral Domain Aspect (Full Text)

Many people are apprehensive about the this controversial MOA. First, availability of this full text was scant. This led to suspicions and other assumptions. I got hold of the MOA last Saturday, barely I was able to read everything. Anyway, while I am studying the provisions of this MOA, it will be better to share with you also this sought-after document. Hopefully, this will stir rational discourse. - Bong

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IN THE NAME OF GOD
THE BENEFICENT, THE MERCIFUL

MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT ON THE ANCESTRAL DOMAIN ASPECT OF THE GRP-MILF TRIPOLI AGREEMENT ON PEACE OF 2001

The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) herein referred to as the “Parties” to this Agreement,

TERMS OF REFERENCE

The Agreement for General Cessation of Hostilities dated July 18, 1997 Between the GRP and the MILF, and its Implementing Administrative and Operational Guidelines;

The General Framework of Agreement of Intent Between the GRP and the MILF dated August 27, 1998;

The Agreement on the General Framework for the Resumption of Peace Talks Between the GRP and the MILF dated March 24, 2001;

The Tripoli Agreement on Peace Between the GRP and the MILF dated June 22, 2001;

The Tripoli Agreement Between the GRP and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) dated December 23, 1976 and the Final Agreement on the Implementation of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement Between the GRP and the MNLF dated September 2, 1996;

Republic Act No. 6734, as amended by R.A. 9054, otherwise known as “An Act to Strengthen and Expand the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)”;

ILO Convention No. 169, in correlation to the UN Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples, and Republic Act No. 8371 otherwise known as the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997, the UN Charter, the UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights, International Humanitarian Law (IHL), and internationally recognized human rights instruments; and

Compact rights entrenchment emanating from the regime of dar-ul-mua’hada (or territory under compact) and dar-ul-sulh (or territory under peace agreement) that partakes the nature of a treaty device. For the purpose of this Agreement, a “treaty” is defined as any solemn agreement in writing that sets out understandings, obligations, and benefits for both parties which provides for a framework that elaborates the principles declared in the Agreement.

HAVE AGREED AND ACKNOWLEDGED AS FOLLOWS:

CONCEPTS AND PRINCIPLES

It is the birthright of all Moros and all Indigenous peoples of Mindanao to identify themselves and be accepted as “Bangsamoros”. The Bangsamoro people refers to those who are natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and its adjacent islands including Palawan and the Sulu archipelago at the time of conquest or colonization and their descendants whether mixed or of full native blood. Spouses and their descendants are classified as Bangsamoro. The freedom of choice of the Indigenous people shall be respected.

It is essential to lay the foundation of the Bangsamoro homeland in order to address the Bangsamoro people’s humanitarian and economic needs as well as their political aspirations. Such territorial jurisdictions and geographic areas being the natural wealth and patrimony represent the social, cultural and political identity and pride of all the Bangsamoro people. Ownership of the homeland is vested exclusively in them by virtue of their prior rights of occupation that had inhered in them as sizeable bodies of people, delimited by their ancestors since time immemorial, and being the first politically organized dominant occupants.

Both Parties acknowledge that ancestral domain does not form part of the public domain but encompasses ancestral, communal, and customary lands, maritime, fluvial and alluvial domains as well as all natural resources therein that have inured or vested ancestral rights on the basis of native title. Ancestral domain and ancestral land refer to those held under claim of ownership, occupied or possessed, by themselves or through the ancestors of the Bangsamoro people, communally or individually since time immemorial continuously to the present, except when prevented by war, civil disturbance, force majeure, or other forms of possible usurpation or displacement by force, deceit, stealth, or as a consequence of government project or any other voluntary dealings entered into by the government and private individuals, corporate entities or institutions.

Both Parties acknowledge that the right to self-governance of the Bangsamoro people is rooted on ancestral territoriality exercised originally under the suzerain authority of their sultanates and the Pat a Pangampong ku Ranaw. The Moro sultanates were states or karajaan/kadatuan resembling a body politic endowed with all the elements of nation-state in the modern sense. As a domestic community distinct from the rest of the national communities, they have a definite historic homeland. They are the “First Nation” with defined territory and with a system of government having entered into treaties of amity and commerce with foreign nations. The Parties concede that the ultimate objective of entrenching the Bangsamoro homeland as a territorial space is to secure their identity and posterity, to protect their property rights and resources as well as to establish a system of governance suitable and acceptable to them as a distinct dominant people.

Both Parties affirm their commitment to mutually respect the right to one’s identity and the parity of esteem of everyone in the political community. The protection of civil rights and religious liberties of individuals underlie the basis of peace and justice of their totality of relationships.

Both Parties agree that the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) shall have the authority and jurisdiction over the Ancestral Domain and Ancestral lands, including both alienable and non-alienable lands encompassed within their homeland and ancestral territory, as well as the delineation of ancestral domain/lands of the Bangsamoro people located therein.

Vested property rights upon the entrenchment of the BJE shall be recognized and respected subject to paragraph 9 of the strand on Resources.

TERRITORY

The Bangsamoro homeland and historic territory refer to the land mass as well as the maritime, terrestrial, fluvial and alluvial domains, and the aerial domain, the atmospheric space above it, embracing the Mindanao-Sulu-Palawan geographic region. However, delimitations are contained in the agreed Schedules (Categories).

Toward this end, the Parties enter into the following stipulations:

The GRP and MILF as the Parties to this Agreement commit themselves to the full and mutual implementation of this framework agreement on territory with the aim of resolving outstanding issues that emanate from the consensus points on Ancestral Domain.

The Parties confirm their understanding that the mutual goal of reaching an agreement on Bangsamoro territory specific to mapping the outlying borders and the boundaries affecting local government units will lead to consolidation of the agreed texts on the Ancestral Domain Strands.

The Parties affirm that the core of the BJE shall constitute the present geographic area of the ARMM, including the municipalities of Baloi, Munai, Nunungan, Pantar, Tagoloan and Tangkal in the province of Lanao del Norte that voted for inclusion in the ARMM during the 2001 plebiscite.

Without derogating from the requirements of prior agreements, the Government stipulates to conduct and deliver, using all possible legal measures, within twelve (12) months following the signing of the MOA-AD, a plebiscite covering the areas as enumerated in the list and depicted in the map as Category A attached herein (the “Annex”). The Annex constitutes an integral part of this framework agreement. Toward this end, the Parties shall endeavour to complete the negotiations and resolve all outstanding issues on the Comprehensive Compact within fifteen (15) months from the signing of the MOA-AD.

The areas covered by Category B are reflected on a map and list attached herein as agreed to by the Parties. Category B (the “Special Intervention Areas”) refers to conflict affected areas outside the BJE which shall be the subject of special socio-economic and cultural affirmative action implemented by the Central Government pending the conduct of a plebiscite not earlier than twenty-five (25) years from the signing of the Comprehensive Compact to determine the question of their accession to the BJE. The areas reflected are subject to further negotiations by the Parties. The Annex constitutes an integral part of this framework agreement.

Internal Waters:
The BJE shall have jurisdiction over the management, conservation, development, protection, utilization and disposition of all natural resources, living and non-living, within its internal waters extending fifteen (15) kilometers from the coastline of the BJE area.

Territorial Waters:
(1) The territorial waters of the BJE shall stretch beyond the BJE internal waters up to the Republic of the Philippines (RP) baselines south east and south west of mainland Mindanao. Beyond the fifteen (15) kilometers internal waters, the Central Government and the BJE shall exercise joint jurisdiction, authority and management over areas and all natural resources, living and non-living contained therein. The details of such management of the Territorial Waters shall be provided in an agreement to be entered into by the Parties.

(2) The boundaries of the territorial waters shall stretch beyond the 15-km. BJE internal waters up to the Central Government’s baselines under existing laws. In the southern and eastern part of the BJE, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from the Maguling Point, Palimbang, Province of Sultan Kudarat up to the straight baselines of the Philippines. On the northwestern part, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from Little Sta. Cruz Island, Zamboanga City, up to Naris Point, Bataraza, Palawan. On the western part of Palawan, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from the boundary of Bataraza and Rizal up to the straight baselines of the Philippines.

The final demarcation shall be determined by a joint technical body composed of duly-designated representatives of both Parties, in coordination with the appropriate Central Government agency in accordance with the above guidelines.

Sharing of Minerals on Territorial Waters:
Consistent with paragraphs 5 and 6 of the provisions on Resources, all potential sources of energy, petroleum in situ, hydrocarbon, natural gas and other minerals, including deposits or fields found within the territorial waters, shall be shared between the Central Government and the BJE in favor of the latter through production sharing agreement or economic cooperation agreement.

Activities Allowed on Territorial Waters:
(1) The Parties shall have authority to carry out the following activities within the territorial waters:
(a) Exploration and utilization of the natural resources, whether living or non-living, within the territorial waters;
(b) Establishment and use of artificial islands, installations and structures;
(c) Marine scientific research;
(d) Protection and the preservation of the marine environment;
(e) Conservation of living resources;
(f) Regulation of shipping and fishing activities;
(g) Enforcement of police and safety measures, including interdiction of the entry and use of the waters by criminal elements and hot pursuit of suspected criminal elements;
(h) Regulation and control of contraband and illegal entry of prohibited materials and substances, including smuggling; and
(i) Such other measures as the Parties may otherwise mutually agree.

(2) Activities relating to exploration and utilization of non-living resources, as well as paragraphs (c) and (d) of the Authorized Activities will be carried out on a joint basis agreed by the Parties which may be in the form of production sharing agreements or joint development pacts.

Establishment of a Joint Commission:
(1) The Parties shall establish a Joint Commission, which shall elaborate the modalities for the implementation and the carrying out of the Authorized Activities and the measures adopted in cases of allegation of breach, and carry out any other functions which may be assigned to it by the Parties for the purpose of implementing the joint management of resources.

(2) The Joint Commission shall consist of one representative from each Party, who are assisted by advisers as may be needed. The conclusions of the Joint Commission shall be adopted by consensus and shall only be recommendatory in nature. Only when the conclusions of the Joint Commission are adopted by the Parties do they become binding on the Parties.

Demarcation and Status of Territorial Waters:
The demarcation and status of the BJE territorial waters shall be finally determined together with the demarcation and final status of Category B territory of the BJE.

From and after entrenchment of compact rights over the Bangsamoro homeland and the territorial jurisdictions for associative governance shall likewise embrace those under proclamation for agricultural and human settlements intended for the Bangsamoro people, all alienable and disposable lands, pasture lands, timberlands together with all existing civil and military reservations, parks, old growth or natural forests declared as forest reserves, watersheds, mangroves, fishponds, wetlands, marshes, inland bodies of water; and all bays, straits and channels found within the BJE.

All territorial and geographic areas in Mindanao and its adjacent islands including Palawan, and the Sulu archipelago that have been declared recognized, and/or delineated as ancestral domain and ancestral land of the Bangsamoro people as their geographic areas, inclusive of settlements and reservations, may be formed or constituted into political subdivisions of the Bangsamoro territorial jurisdictions subject to the principles of equality of peoples and mutual respect and to the protection of civil, political, economic, and cultural rights in their respective jurisdictions.

For purposes of territorial delimitation, the Parties have agreed to the joint determination of geographic areas encompassed within the territorial borders of the Bangsamoro homeland and territory based on the technical maps and data submitted by both sides as provided above.

RESOURCES

The BJE is empowered with authority and responsibility for the land use, development, conservation and disposition of the natural resources within the homeland. Upon entrenchment of the BJE, the land tenure and use of such resources and wealth must reinforce their economic self-sufficiency. Among the purposes or measures to make progress more rapid are:

Entry into joint development, utilization, and exploitation of natural resources designed as commons or shared resources, which is tied up to the full setting of appropriate institution, particularly affecting strategic minerals;

Stimulation of local economy by a range of mechanism, in particular the need to address unemployment and improvement of living conditions for the population in the BJE;

Intensification of measures needed to uproot the cause of poverty in the BJE through responsible harnessing and development of its natural resources; and

Undertaking program review of public services, industrial or trade-related and agrarian-related issues in situations of different sectors of the society in the BJE, which acquire communal character deriving from the special nature of their industry.

The Bangsamoro People through their appropriate juridical entity shall, among others, exercise power or authority over the natural resources within its territorial jurisdiction:

To explore, exploit, use or utilize and develop their ancestral domain and ancestral lands within their territorial jurisdiction, inclusive of their right of occupation, possession, conservation, and exploitation of all natural resources found therein;

To conserve and protect the human and natural environment for their sustainable and beneficial enjoyment and their posterity;

To utilize, develop, and exploit its natural resources found in their ancestral domain or enter into a joint development, utilization, and exploitation of natural resources, specifically on strategic minerals, designed as commons or shared resources, which is tied up to the final setting of appropriate institution;

To revoke or grant forest concessions, timber license, contracts or agreements in the utilization and exploitation of natural resources designated as commons or shared resources, mechanisms for economic cooperation with respect to strategic minerals, falling within the territorial jurisdiction of the BJE;

To enact agrarian laws and programs suitable to the special circumstances of the Bangsamoro people prevailing in their ancestral lands within the established territorial boundaries of the Bangsamoro homeland and ancestral territory within the competence of the BJE; and

To use such natural resources and wealth to reinforce their economic self-sufficiency.

The BJE, and the Central Government agree on wealth-sharing based on a mutually agreed percentage ratio in favor of the BJE through an economic cooperation agreement or arrangement over the income and revenues that are derived from the exploration, exploitation, use and development of any resources for the benefit of the Bangsamoro people.

The BJE is free to enter into any economic cooperation and trade relations with foreign countries: provided, however, that such relationships and understandings do not include aggression against the Government of the Republic of the Philippines; provided, further that it shall remain the duty and obligation of the Central Government to take charge of external defense. Without prejudice to the right of the Bangsamoro juridical entity to enter into agreement and environmental cooperation with any friendly country affecting its jurisdiction, it shall include:

The option to establish and open Bangsamoro trade missions in foreign countries with which it has economic cooperation agreements; and

The elements bearing in mind the mutual benefits derived from Philippine archipelagic status and security.

And, in furtherance thereto, the Central Government shall take necessary steps to ensure the BJE’s participation in international meetings and events, e.g. ASEAN meetings and other specialized agencies of the United Nations. This shall entitle the BJE’s participation in Philippine official missions and delegations that are engaged in the negotiation of border agreements or protocols for environmental protection, equitable sharing of incomes and revenues, in the areas of sea, seabed and inland seas or bodies of water adjacent to or between islands forming part of the ancestral domain, in addition to those of fishing rights.

Jurisdiction and control over, and the right of exploring for, exploiting, producing and obtaining all potential sources of energy, petroleum, in situ, fossil fuel, mineral oil and natural gas, whether onshore or offshore, is vested in the BJE as the party having control within its territorial jurisdiction, provided that in times of national emergency, when public interest so requires, the Central Government may, during the emergency, for a fixed period and under reasonable terms as may be agreed by both Parties, temporarily assume or direct the operations of such strategic resources.

The BJE take or profit split from total production shall be shared with the Central Government on a percentage ratio of 75:25 in favor of the BJE. All royalties, bonuses, taxes, charges, custom duties or imposts on natural resources and mineral resources shall be shared by the Parties on a percentage ratio of 75:25 in favor of the BJE.

The legitimate grievances of the Bangsamoro people arising from any unjust dispossession of their territorial and proprietary rights, customary land tenures, or their marginalization shall be acknowledged. Whenever restoration is no longer possible, the GRP shall take effective measures or adequate reparation collectively beneficial to the Bangsamoro people, in such quality, quantity and status to be determined mutually by both Parties.

All proclamations, issuances, policies, rules and guidelines declaring old growth or natural forests and all watersheds within the BJE as forest reserves shall continue to remain in force until otherwise modified, revised or superseded by subsequent policies, rules and regulations issued by the competent authority under the BJE.

Forest concessions, timber licenses, contracts or agreements, mining concessions, Mineral Production and Sharing Agreements (MPSA), Industrial Forest Management Agreements (IFMA), and other land tenure instruments of any kind or nature whatsoever granted by the Philippine Government including those issued by the present ARMM shall continue to operate from the date of formal entrenchment of the BJE unless otherwise expired, reviewed, modified and/or cancelled by the latter.

The Parties recognize an immediate need to establish a five-member BJE economic-expert mission (the “Mission”) bearing in mind that the functioning of the economy and the operation of institutions involve financial and other resource management as well as parallel or complementary means, by which the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA) will manage and administer resources acquired for the above purposes, especially in coordinating strategies and programs for cooperation in all fields.

The Mission acts as a link in the conduct of BJE’s associative parallel relationships and shall cooperate fully with all organizations involved in implementation of the peace settlement. It shall launch a plan and joint international appeal for the reparation and development of the conflict affected areas in Mindanao. Persons appointed thereto must be familiar with the specific economic, political and legal characteristics in the Mindanao-Sulu-Palawan region and must possess recognized competence, integrity, and high moral standing.

Cognizant that the Mission will benefit from international expertise, both the Central Government and the BJE hereby join the Third Party facilitator in inviting international funding institutions or equivalent entities for reconstruction and development to appoint two members and to designate one as the Chairman. The BJE shall designate one member as Co-Chairman. The remaining two members shall each be designated by the Central Government and the BJE.

GOVERNANCE

The recognition and peaceful resolution of the conflict must involve consultations with the Bangsamoro people free of any imposition in order to provide chances of success and open new formulas that permanently respond to the aspirations of the Bangsamoro people.

The ultimate objective of entrenching the Bangsamoro homeland as a territorial space is to secure their identity and posterity, to protect their property rights and resources as well as to establish a system of governance suitable and acceptable to them as a distinct dominant people. The Parties respect the freedom of choice of the indigenous peoples.

The Parties agree to invite a multinational third - party to observe and monitor the actual implementation of the comprehensive compact which will embody the details for the effective enforcement of this Agreement. The participation of the third – party shall not in any way affect the status of the relationship between the Central Government and the BJE.

The relationship between the Central Government and the BJE shall be associative characterized by shared authority and responsibility with a structure of governance based on executive, legislative, judicial and administrative institutions with defined powers and functions in the Comprehensive Compact. A period of transition shall be established in a Comprehensive Compact specifying the relationship between the Central Government and the BJE.

In the context of implementing prior and incremental agreements between the GRP and MILF, it is the joint understanding of the Parties that the term “entrenchment” means, for the purposes of giving effect to this transitory provision, the creation of a process of institution building to exercise shared authority over territory and defined functions of associative character.

The modalities for the governance intended to settle the outstanding negotiated political issues are deferred after the signing of the MOA-AD.

The establishment of institutions for governance in a Comprehensive Compact, together with its modalities during the transition period, shall be fully entrenched and established in the basic law of the BJE. The Parties shall faithfully comply with their commitment to the associative arrangements upon entry into force of the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties agree that the mechanisms and modalities for the actual implementation of this MOA-AD shall be spelt out in the Comprehensive Compact to mutually take such steps to enable it to occur effectively.

Any provisions of the MOA-AD requiring amendments to the existing legal framework shall come into force upon signing of a Comprehensive Compact and upon effecting the necessary changes to the legal framework with due regard to non derogation of prior agreements and within the stipulated timeframe to be contained in the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties agree that the BJE shall be empowered to build, develop and maintain its own institutions, inclusive of, civil service, electoral, financial and banking, education, legislation, legal, economic, and police and internal security force, judicial system and correctional institutions, necessary for developing a progressive Bangsamoro society, the details of which shall be discussed in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties further agree to undertake activities which will enhance the capacity of the government institutions during the transition through technical assistance, information-sharing and human resource development.

Matters concerning the details of the agreed consensus points on Governance not covered under this Agreement shall be deferred to, and discussed during, the negotiations of the Comprehensive Compact.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the undersigned, being the representatives of the Parties hereby affix their signatures.

Done this 5th day of August, 2008 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

FOR THE GRP:

(SGD) RODOLFO C. GARCIA
Chairman
GRP Peace Negotiating Panel

FOR THE MILF:

(SGD) MOHAGHER IQBAL
Chairman
MILF Peace Negotiating Panel

WITNESSED BY:

(SGD) DATUK OTHMAN BIN ABD RAZAK
Special Adviser to the Prime Minister

IN THE PRESENCE OF:

(SGD) ALBERTO G. ROMULO
Secretary of Foreign Affairs
Republic of the Philippines

(SGD) DATO’ SERI UTAMA DR. RAIS
BIN YATIM
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Malaysia

Initialed by:

Sec. Rodolfo Garcia
Mohagher Iqbal
Sec. Hermogenes Esperon

Witnessed by:

Datuk Othman bin Abd Razak

Dated 27 July 2008

Update on Ms Tutor

According to the father and Tessa (a former student of mine), Ms. Merwin Shane R. Tutor was able to get home yesterday. We hope all is well with her. We expect to see her in the campus today.

For those who have helped us in disseminating the information, in behalf of the Ateneo community, our profound gratitude. Thank you for your bigh heart and concern.

Alert: Missing Student

MS. MERWIN SHANE R. TUTOR (BSN1), Section N8, first year college student has been reported missing by her father, Mr. Edwin M. Tutor last night. The Admissions Office and the FYDP made a phone barrage last night to all possible contacts of Shane, her classmates in various classes asking for information about her whereabouts. The father said that last Friday evening, Shane sent a message that she was on her way home. That was her last message.

Any information about her will be very much appreciated. I was able to talk to the father this noon, the family reported the case to the police and they planned to go to ABS-CBN this afternoon to appeal to the public for assistance in locating their daughter.

Contact Information:
Tutor Residence: (82) 282-0978; (82) 304-2159

Any information can be sent via SMART SMS to: ALERT [space] FEEDBACK [space] YOUR INFO, and send to 700ADDU or 7002338, or call (82) 221.2411.

Mary Grace

L.A. de Dios

Leah Joy O.

MC310 Class: Thursday Photoshoot

I and a couple of photographers will be shooting on Thursday evening, 7 August 2008, 6:00PM at the Freedom Park. Subject will be the Finster facade -- for the University Postcard. You are enjoined to come if you are available. We will probably shoot also from Marco Polo top floor - evening shots, slow shutter.

If you will join text me through Smart: BONG [space] FEEDBACK [space] YOUR MESSAGE, and send to 700ADDU.

Canon EOS 350D for Sale

Canon EOS 350D With Kit Lens (used for a year)
512 MB Card
Chager and Battery Pack
Camera Bag

P24,000; Contact Kids: 0906-3527880

Glamour Shoot of MC310 Class

Some selections of MC310 students, 1st Sem 2008-2009: